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THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISES 

AND 

PRESIDENTIAL   POLITICS 

1820-1825 


FROM   THE 

LETTERS    OF    WILLIAM    PLUMER,   JUNIOR 

REPRESENTATIVE   FROM   NEW    HAMPSHIRE 


EDITED    BY 

EVERETT    SOMERVILLE    BROWN,    PH.D. 

UNIVERSITY    OF    MICHIGAN 


MISSOURI    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 
St.  Louis,  1926 


Copyright,  1926 
MISSOURI  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


^Q-l- 


PREFACE 


In  the  summer  of  1916  a  search  for  a  missing  part  of  the 
diary  of  Senator  William  Plumer  led  me  to  the  State  Li- 
brary at  Concord,  New  Hampshire.  Here,  in  a  vaulted 
room,  the  missing  manuscript  was  found  and  was  later  in- 
corporated in  my  edition  of  William  Plumer 's  Memoran- 
dum of  Proceedings  in  the  United  States  Senate,  1803- 
1807.  On  the  shelves  lining  this  room  were  numerous  bun- 
dles of  other  Plumer  manuscripts.  A  hasty  survey  of  sev- 
eral of  these  bundles  resulted  in  a  determination  to  return 
at  a  later  date  for  a  more  careful  examination.  The  World 
War  and  consequent  events  prevented  pursuit  of  this  ear- 
lier discovery  until  the  summer  of  1924. 

It  had  been  my  intention  to  edit  some  of  the  letters  of 
Senator  Plumer,  but  my  interest  was  turned  to  the  letters 
of  his  son.  While  there  are  many  of  the  elder  Plumer 's 
letters  in  the  State  Library  at  Concord,  a  still  greater 
number  are  in  the  Manuscript  Division  of  the  Library  of 
Congress,  and  hence  more  accessible  to  scholars.  Extracts 
from  some  of  these  letters  have  been  published  in  William 
Plumer  Junior's  Life  of  William  Plumer.  A  brief  record 
of  the  life  and  historical  collections  of  Senator  Plumer 
may  be  found  in  the  preface  to  William  Plumer 's  Memor- 
andum, already  noted. 

William  Plumer  Junior  was  born  at  Epping,  New  Hamp- 
shire, February  9,  1789.  He  attended  Phillips  Exeter 
Academy  and  entered  Harvard  in  1805.  He  was  graduated 
with  the  class  of  1809  and  returned  to  Cambridge  in  1812 


vi  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

to  take  his  second  degree,  delivering  on  that  occasion  the 
English  oration.  His  life  was  devoted  to  public  service 
and  to  literature.  In  the  latter  field  he  wrote  and  printed 
several  collections  of  poems  and  commenced  a  history  of 
the  War  of  1812,  which,  however,  was  never  completed. 
He  wrote  and  received  many  letters,  numbering  among  his 
correspondents  John  Quincy  Adams,  Daniel  Webster, 
Henry  Clay,  Edward  Everett  and  the  political  philosopher, 
Jeremy  Bentham.  Letters  from  all  these  men  are  in  the 
State  Library  at  Concord. 

The  younger  Plumer  held  numerous  state  and  national 
offices.  In  the  summer  of  1816  he  was  appointed  commis- 
sioner of  loans  for  New  Hampshire  but  the  office  was 
abolished  seventeen  months  later.  In  1818  he  was  elected 
to  the  state  legislature  and  in  1819  to  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives at  Washington.  He  served  in  congress  from 
1819  to  1825.  In  1824  the  New  Hampshire  senate  chose 
Plumer  United  States  senator  but  the  lower  house  made  no 
choice,  and  in  the  next  legislature  Plumer  was  passed  over 
for  another  candidate.  In  1827  and  1828  he  was  a  member 
of  the  New  Hampshire  senate.  He  received  a  commission 
as  district  attorney  for  New  Hampshire  from  President 
John  Quincy  Adams  in  1827.  After  this  date,  Plumer  led 
a  more  retired  life  but  served  frequently  on  state  commis- 
sions and  boards.  One  of  his  last  public  services  was  as  a 
member  of  the  state  constitutional  convention  of  1850.  He 
died  at  Epping,  September  8,  1854. 

It  is  with  the  period  of  Plumer 's  membership  in  the 
house  of  representatives  that  we  are  here  primarily  con- 
cerned. The  years  1819  to  1825  were  notable  ones,  cover- 
ing as  they  do  the  struggle  over  the  Missouri  Compromises, 
the  reorganization  of  party  nominating  machinery  and  the 


Preface.  vii 

beginning  of  the  realignment  of  political  parties.  The 
story  of  these  important  events  is  graphically  told  in  the 
letters  which  Plumer  wrote  to  his  father.  The  elder 
Plumer  had  been  a  United  States  senator  and  governor  of 
his  state,  and  it  is  to  his  keen  interest  in  events  at  Wash- 
ington that  we  are  indebted  to  the  younger  Plumer  for  the 
frequent  and  lengthy  letters  which  he  wrote  during  the 
sessions  of  congress.  Unless  otherwise  noted  all  the  let- 
ters reproduced  were  addressed  to  William  Plumer,  Sr. 
Although  they  contain  much  which  must  be  discounted  as 
political  gossip,  they  add  greatly  to  our  information  on 
what  was  transpiring  behind  the  scenes  at  Washington. 
A  close  friend  of  Adams  and  acquainted  with  Clay,  Cal- 
houn and  Crawford,  not  to  mention  many  lesser  lights, 
Plumer  was  in  a  position  to  gather  his  facts  at  first  hand. 
It  is  particularly  interesting  to  check  his  reports  of  con- 
versations with  John  Quincy  Adams  against  the  accounts 
which  appear  in  Adams's  Memoirs.  Several  of  the  most 
interesting  of  these  conversations  were  not  reported  at  all 
by  Adams,  a  fact  which  renders  Plumer 's  record  all  the 
more  valuable.  To  my  knowledge  these  letters  have  not 
been  used  in  any  previous  publication,  except  in  part  as  a 
basis  for  my  article  on  "The  Presidential  Election  of 
1824-5",  in  the  Political  Science  Quarterly,  XL,  384-403. 
Division  of  the  subject  matter  into  two  parts  would 
seem  to  add  rather  than  detract  from  the  value  of  the  book. 
Only  a  few  of  the  letters  overlap  so  there  is  little  break 
in  chronological  sequence  because  of  this  division.  The 
close  relationship  between  the  Missouri  question  and  pres- 
idential politics  of  the  period  immediately  following  is  too 
obvious  to  need  special  emphasis  here ;  indeed,  if  any  were 
required,  it  would  be  found  in  the  pages  which  follow. 


viii  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Some  of  Plumer's  letters  which  were  not  pertinent  to 
the  topics  under  discussion  have  been  omitted,  as  have 
parts  of  particular  letters  otherwise  reproduced.  The 
original  text  has  been  followed  as  closely  as  possible,  even 
to  spelling  and  punctuation.  Only  those  portions  of  the 
letters  which  deal  with  public  affairs  have  been  included. 
The  number  and  length  of  footnotes  is  always  a  vexatious 
problem.  The  policy  attempted  here  has  been  to  supply 
enough  notes  to  clarify  the  text  without  annotating  it 
"almost  to  death",  to  borrow  a  phrase  from  Dr.  J.  Frank- 
lin Jameson. 

The  publication  of  this  volume  and  others  which  will 
follow  it  was  made  possible  by  the  establishment  of  a  fund 
donated  by  William  Keeney  Bixby,  the  President  of  the 
Missouri  Historical  Society.  Thanks  are  due  to  him  and 
to  the  other  members  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  So- 
ciety.   The  Board  is  composed  of  the  following  members : 

OFFICERS 

David  R.  Francis Chairman  of  the  Board  of  Trustees 

William    K.    Bixby President 

Frederick  W.  Lehmann Vice-President 

John  H.  Gundlach Vice-President 

Breckinridge   Jones Treasurer 

Thomas  M.  Marshall Secretary 

BOARD  OF  TRUSTEES 

James  F.  Ballard  J.  D.  Perry  Francis  Edward  V.  Papin 

William  K.  Bixby  Nathan  Frank  John  E.  Rothensteiner 

Joseph  Boyce  John  H.  Gundlach  Philip  C.  Scanlan 

Paul  Brown  Breckinridge  Jones  Alfred  L.  Shapleigh 

William  Burg  William  La  Beaume  Walter  B.  Stevens 

Murray  Carleton  William  H.  Lee  Collins  Thompson 

Alexander  DeMenil  Frederick  W.  Lehmann  Festus  J.  Wade 

Franklin  Ferriss  Thomas   M.   Marshall  Rolla  Wells 

David  R.  Francis  Stratford  Lee  Morton  Henry  M.  Whelpley 


Preface.  ix 

I  am  under  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  staff  of  the  State 
Library  at  Concord  for  many  courtesies,  and  to  Professor 
Thomas  Maitland  Marshall,  Secretary  of  the  Missouri  His- 
torical Society  and  editor  of  its  series  of  publications.  My 
wife  rendered  invaluable  service  in  the  arduous  task  of 
copying  the  manuscript  and  in  proof-reading. 

Everett  Somerville  Brown 
Ann  Arbor,  Michigan 
November  2,  1925 


CONTENTS. 


Part  I. 

Page 
The  Missouri  Compromises,  1820-1821 3 

Part  II. 
Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825 45 


(xi) 


PART  I 
The  Missouri  Compromises 

1820-1821 


THE    MISSOURI    COMPROMISES 


LETTERS  OF  WILLIAM  PLUMER,  JR. 
TO  HIS  FATHER. 


Washington  January  30th  1820 


Dear  father, 


The  subject  which  now  engages  all  our  attention,  &  in- 
deed has  for  the  whole  of  the  session,  to  the  exclusion  of 
almost  everything  else,  is  the  Missouri  bill1  —  It  has  been 
discussed  with  great  ability  in  the  Senate,  particularly  by 
Mr.  Pinkney2  &  by  Mr.  BurreP  —  Pinkney 's  speech  is 
extolled  by  his  friends  to  the  skies  —  I  heard  the  greater 
part  of  it  —  &  I  must  confess  that  it  fell  infinitely  below  my 

i  The  question  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union  was  first 
raised  in  the  Fifteenth  Congress  when,  on  March  16,  1818,  John  Scott,  the 
delegate  from  Missouri  Territory,  presented  a  petition  praying  for  state- 
hood. The  subject  was  under  discussion  at  various  times  during  the  two 
sessions  of  the  Fifteenth  Congress  but  no  definite  action  was  taken.  On 
December  8,  1819,  two  days  after  the  assembling  of  the  Sixteenth  Congress, 
Scott's  memorial  asking  for  the  admission  of  Missouri  was  referred  to  a 
select  committee  and,  as  Plumer  states,  this  question  became  the  pre- 
dominating one  of  the  session.  For  a  brief  summary  of  the  subject 
during  these  early  stages  see  James  A.  Woodburn,  "The  Historical  Sig- 
nificance of  the  Missouri  Compromise",  American  Historical  Association, 
Annual  Report,  1893,  pp.  251  ff.  For  public  opinion  in  Missouri  see 
Frank  H.  Hodder,  "Side  Lights  on  the  Missouri  Compromises,"  ibid., 
1909,  pp.  153-161;  H.  A.  Trexler,  "Slavery  in  Missouri,  1804-1865,"  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  Studies  in  Historical  and  Political  Science,  XXXII, 
especially  chapter  IV;  and  Floyd  C.  Shoemaker,  Missouri's  Struggle  for 
Statehood  1804-1821.  A  brief  treatment  of  the  latter  subject  will  also  be 
found  in  Louis  Houck,  History  of  Missouri,  III,  243-272. 

2  Senator  William  Pinkney  of  Maryland  took  the  floor  on  Friday, 
January  21,  1820,  but  owing  to  adjournment  of  the  senate,  did  not  con- 

3 


4  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

expectations  in  every  respect  —  As  a  public  speaker,  his 
manner  appears  to  me  very  bad  —  He  is  alternately  loud 
&  low,  like  some  of  our  methodist  preachers,  impetuous, 
theatrical,  &  overbearing  —  His  language  however  is  ele- 
gant, forcible,  &  commanding  —  &  I  have  no  doubt  his 
speach  will  read  much  better  than  it  appeared  when  deliv- 
ered. As  to  his  arguments,  I  hardly  dare  give  an  opinion 
respecting  them.  To  those  who  are  opposed  to  the  restric- 
tion, they  appeared  unanswerable  —  that  is  to  say  —  he 
succeeded  perfectly  in  convincing  those  who  were  before  of 
his  opinion  —  But  to  me,  they  appeared  perfectly  incon- 
clusive. —  It  was  throughout  the  speach  of  an  able  lawyer, 
&  I  could  not  help  thinking,  all  the  time,  that  he  might, 
with  equal  ease,  have  argued  the  other  side  quite  as  well,  &, 
I  have  no  doubt,  much  better  —  He  was  replied  to,  by  Mr 
Otis,4  who  has  come  round  to  the  right  side,  in  a  very  hand- 
some, &  pretty  able  speech  —  The  debate  in  the  Senate  still 
continues,  &  probably  will  for  another  week  —  It  is  not 
known  whether  Mr.  King5  will  take  the  floor  in  this  ques- 
tion —  There  is  a  very  general  wish  to  see  him  in  opposition 
to  Mr.  Pinkney  —  In  our  House,  the  debate  on  the  main 

elude  his  speech  until  Monday,  January  24.  This  speech  is  not  reported  in 
the  Annals  of  Congress,  because  the  reporter  was  indisposed.  See  Niles' 
Register,  XVII,  434.  The  first  address  by  Pinkney  on  the  Missouri  ques- 
tion reported  in  full  was  delivered  February  15.  See  Annals  of  Congress, 
16  Congress,  1  Session,  I,  390-417. 

3  Senator  James  Burrill,  Jr.,  of  Rhode  Island.  See  ibid.,  94-97,  209-219, 
where  two  of  Burrills'  speeches  are  reported. 

4  Senator  Harrison  Gray  Otis  of  Massachusetts.  See  ibid.,  237-255. 
For  an  earlier  speech  by  Otis,  see  ibid.,  108-114.  Otis'  stand  on  the  Mis- 
souri question  is  traced  in  S.  E.  Morison,  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  II,  214-233. 

s  Senator  Rufus  King  of  New  York.  King  made  the  anticipated  reply 
on  February  13.  See  footnote  23,  below.  An  interesting  comparison  of 
the  oratorical  styles  of  King  and  Pinkney  is  found  in  John  Adams  Dix, 
Memoirs  (Morgan  Dix,  compiler),  I,  60-61. 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  5 

question  commenced  on  Thursday,6  after  two  or  three  days 
spent  in  preliminary  skirmishes  —  How  long  it  will  con- 
tinue, it  is  impossible  to  tell  —  but  I  think  not  less  than 
two  or  three  weeks  —  The  debate  was  opened  by  a  pretty 
good  speach  in  favour  of  the  restriction,  by  the  mover  of 
it,  Mr.  Taylor7  of  New  York  —  He  was  followed  by  Mr. 
Holmes8  in  a  silly  speech  of  a  day  &  a  half  against  the 
motion —  ;  &  when  we  last  adjourned,  General  Smyth9  of 
Virginia,  of  proclamation  memory,  had  possession  of  the 
floor,  &  will  probably  occupy  another  day  —  He  is  a  man  of 
some  talents,  of  great  industry,  &  much  research  —  &  will, 
I  have  no  doubt,  make  a  much  abler  speech  than  that  of 
Holmes  —  There  are  at  least  twenty  members  who  are 
impatient  to  speak  next  —  Clay10  or  Eandolph11  will  prob- 
ably be  the  next  —  The  ablest  speech  on  our  side  will,  I 
think,  be  made  by  Mr.  Sergeant12  of  Philadelphia  —  but  the 
great  speekers  are  almost  all  in  the  other  side  of  the 
House  —  I  am  urged  by  several  of  my  friends  to  make  a 
speech  on  this  occasion,  &  I  should  like  much  to  do  it,  (for 
there  never  was  a  better  subject)  if  I  thought  myself  equal 
to  it  —  But  among  so  many  men  of  the  very  first  talents,  & 
on  a  subject  so  thoroughly  canvassed,  it  is  not  easy,  if  it  be 
possible,  for  a  young  man  &  a  new  member,  to  throw  any 

e  January  27,  1820.     See  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  I,  949. 

7  John  W.  Taylor,  later  elected  speaker,  November  15,  1820,  to  succeed 
Henry  Clay.    For  Taylor's  speech,  see  ibid.,  950-966. 

s  John  Holmes  of  Massachusetts.    Ibid.,  966-990,  992. 

9  Alexander  Smyth.  Ibid.,  992-1021,  1023.  The  story  of  Smyth's 
proclamations  while  brigadier-general  during  the  War  of  1812  is  related 
in  McMaster,  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  IV,  13-16.  Texts 
of  the  proclamations  were  printed  in  Mies'  Register,  III,  203,  216-217. 

io  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky,  speaker  of  the  house. 

ii  John  Randolph  of  Virginia. 

12  John  Sergeant,  candidate  for  vice-president  in  1832. 


6  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

light  on  the  subject,  or  say  anything  new  or  original  in 
relation  to  it  —  I  believe  we  shall  finally  have  a  small 
majority  —  perhaps  about  six  or  eight  —  I  hope,  even 
more —    .     .    . 


Washington  February  5th  1820 
Dear  father, 

We  are  still  so  completely  engrossed  with  the  Missouri 
question  as  to  be  able  to  attend  to  nothing  else  —  How  it 
will  end  it  is  impossible  to  foresee — A  compromise  is  much 
talked  of  in  the  Senate  &  by  many  in  our  House  —  The 
opponents  of  restriction  see  that  they  are  likely  not  to  suc- 
ceed, &  many  of  them  are  willing  to  give  up  the  rest  of  the 
territories,  if  we  will  allow  of  Slavery  in  Missouri  &  Arcan- 
saw  —  But  in  my  opinion  our  true  policy  is  to  fight  the  first 
battle  at  the  water's  edge,  &  if  repulsed  there,  to  make  our 
next  stand  as  near  as  possible  to  the  former  —  In  other 
words,  I  would  not  yield  Missouri,  if  it  can  be  preserved  — 
&  if  this  is  lost,  I  would  still  hold  Arcansaw  &  all  the  rest  — 
The  debate  has  in  general  been  managed  with  some 
moderation  &  coolness  in  our  House,  considering  the  very 
great  excitement  which  is  everywhere  felt  on  this  subject  — 
General  Smyth  made  a  speach  of  two  days  to  empty  seats,13 
there  being  not  half  the  time  a  quorum  present  —  Mr 
Randolph14  followed  in  a  speach  of  nearly  equal  length  — 
He  was  heard  indeed  with  some  attention  —  but  in  the  opin- 
ion of  all  his  friends,  he  completely  &  miserably  failed  — 
It  is   very   apparent,   that   whatever  he   might   formerly 

is  See  footnote  9,  above. 

14  Randolph  spoke  for  three  hours  on  February  2,  but  his  speech  is 
not  reported  in  the  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  I,  1046.  Of. 
W.  C.  Bruce,  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  I,  448. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  7 

have  been,  he  is  no  longer  equal  to  the  discussion  of  any 
subject  which  requires  reasoning,  a  connected  train  of 
thought,  &  a  steady  &  continued  investigation  —  On  light 
topics  he  is  interesting;  his  sarcasm  is  still  biting;  his  wit, 
his  fancy,  &  his  repertees  are  often  brilliant,  &  his  singular- 
ities amuse  when  he  has  nothing  else  to  recommend  him  — 
He  is  good  at  light  firing,  &  sends  his  buck-shot  about 
him  with  no  inconsiderable  effect  —  but  he  wants  strength 
to  poise  the  heavier  weapons  of  war,  &  can  neither  direct 
or  discharge  the  artillery  of  reason  —  He  was  followed 
by  Mr.  Hardin15  of  Kentucky  —  a  man  of  a  strong  mind, 
but  of  rough  &  uncultivated  intellect  &  manners  —  This  is 
the  man  whom  Randolph  once  described,  not  inaptly,  by 
saying  that  he  "fought  with  a  cleaver,  or  kitchen  knife, 
sharpened  upon  a  brick-bat"!  He  made  an  able  speech  — 
All  these  have  been  upon  one  side  &  so  eager  has  been  the 
competition  to  obtain  the  floor,  that  a  modest  man  would 
hardly  dare  to  rise  among  such  a  mob  —  Beside  those  whom 
I  have  mentioned,  several  other  of  less  note  have  delivered 
their  sentiments  —  Judge  Hemphill16  of  Pennsylvania,  who 
must  I  think  have  been  in  Congress  with  you,  spoke  about 
an  hour  in  favour  of  the  restriction,  &  will  resume  the  sub- 
ject on  monday  —  He  is  a  man  of  handsome  talents,  &  has 
done  more  justice  to  the  subject  than  any  person  who  has 
yet  spoken  on  our  side  of  the  question  —  He  will  probably 
be  followed  by  Mr  Clay —  (Mr  Clay,  by  the  way,  wished 
me  to  make  his  respects  to  you)  &  in  a  week  or  ten  days 

15  Benjamin  Hardin.  See  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  I, 
1069-1091. 

is  Joseph  Hemphill.  Ibid.,  1114-1136,  1138.  Hemphill  was  a  member 
of  the  house  during  the  Seventh  Congress  (December,  1801-March,  1803). 
The  elder  Plumer  was  elected  senator  from  New  Hampshire  in  place  of 
James  Sheafe,  and  took  his  seat  December  6,  1802. 


8  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

more  I  think  we  shall  reach  the  end  of  this  debate  —  There 
will  however  be  another,  but  shorter  discussion,  when  the 
bill  comes  from  the  senate  on  the  question  of  seperating 
Maine  from  Missouri  —  &  another,  after  that,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  in  the  territories  —  It  is  uncertain  whether 
I  shall  make  a  speach  on  this  subject  —  I  have  paid  some 
attention  to  it  —  but  it  is  impossible  to  say  anything  new 
on  the  question,  &  I  should  not  be  able  to  say  with  better 
effect,  or  in  more  forcible  manner,  what  has  already  been 
repeatedly  said  by  others.     .     .     . 


Washington  February  12th  1820 
Dear  father, 


The  Missouri  bill  is  still  before  Congress  —  &  in  fact 
occupies  the  whole  of  our  time  &  attention  —  Since  I  wrote 
you  last,  we  have  had  in  our  House,  several  very  able 
speeches  —  Judge  Hemphill  was  followed  by  Mr  Clay  in 
a  speech  which  occupied  one  whole  sitting17  —  His  mode  of 
speaking  is  very  forcible  —  He  fixes  the  attention  by  his 
earnest  &  emphatic  tones  &  gestures  —  the  last  of  which 
are  however  far  from  being  graceful  —  He  frequently 
shrugs  up  his  shoulders,  &  twists  his  features,  &  indeed  his 
whole  body  in  the  most  dreadful  scowls  &  contortions  — 
Yet  the  whole  seems  natural;  there  is  no  appearance  of 
acting,  or  theatrical  effect  —  &  you  see  in  every  motion  & 
word  the  uncontrolled  expression  of  violent  feelings,  &  the 
result  of  a  powerful  but  irregular  mind  —  If  there  is  any 
passion  which  he  expresses  with  greater  force  than  another 

it  Clay  spoke  for  four  hours  on  February  8,  but  his  speech  is  not 
reported  in  the  Annals  of  Congress  of  that  date. 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  9 

it  is  contempt  —  He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Sergeant,18  who 
delivered  the  best  speech,  (I  think)  taking  all  things  to- 
gether, that  I  ever  heard  —  In  argument,  it  was  unanswer- 
able ;  &  the  manner,  though  not  so  forcible  &  impetuous  as 
Clay's  was  better  suited  to  the  clear  &  calm  discussion  of  a 
great  constitutional  question  like  the  present.  Sergeant 
was  followed  by  Barbour19  —  who  is,  of  all  men  in  the 
House,  the  most  subtle  &  accute  logician  —  He  is  never 
better  pleased  than  when  splitting  hairs  &  indulging  in  nice 
meti-physical  distinctions  —  He  is  however  a  very  able 
man,  &  discussed  this  question  with  much  skill  &  accute- 
ness  —  Today  was  spent  in  hearing,  or  rather  in  not  hear- 
ing, Mr  Pindell20  —  a  good  lawyer,  but  an  unpleasant 
speaker  —  Yesterday  Mr.  Gross21  &  Anderson22  occupied 
the  floor  —  In  the  Senate,  Mr  King23  delivered  a  speech 
which  was  said  to  be  very  able,  &  which  the  Southern 
people  did  not  much  relish  on  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  spoke  of  Slavery  as  being  not  only  an  evil,  but  a 
crime  &  an  injustice.  I  heard  the  conclusion  of  it  only  — 
He  has  very  little  of  the  orator  in  his  manner ;  yet  there  is 
something  which  fixes  the  attention,  so  that  no  man  is  bet- 
ter heard  —  There  is  no  appearance  of  the  debates  coming 
to  a  close  —  &  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  this  subject,  with 
others  growing  out  of  it,  will  continue  to  occupy  our  atten- 

i8  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  I,  1172-1218. 
is  Philip  P.  Barbour  of  Virginia.    Ibid.,  1218-1242. 

20  James  Pindall  of  Virginia.    Ibid.,  1265-11,  1289. 

21  Ezra  C.  Gross.    Ibid.,  I,  1242-1253. 

22  Richard  C.  Anderson,  Jr.,  of  Kentucky.    Ibid.,  1253-1264. 

23  Senator  King's  speech  is  not  reported  in  the  Annals  of  Congress  of 
February  11.  A  summary  of  the  speech  will  be  found  in  The  Life  and 
Correspondence  of  Rufus  King  (C.  R.  King,  ed.),  VI,  276-278.  The  sub- 
stance of  two  earlier  speeches  on  the  Missouri  question  is  given  in  ibid.t 
690-703,  and  in  Niles'  Register,  XVII,  215-221. 


10  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

tion  till  towards  the  end  of  February  —  This  is  indeed  an 
unprecedented  length  of  time  —  but  the  subject  is  one  of 
immense  interest  &  importance  —  &  on  general  principles,  I 
think  nothing  is  lost  by  debate.  Congress  passes  too  many 
laws  every  session  —  &  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  the 
more  we  talk,  &  the  less  we  do,  the  better  it  is  for  the 
nation  —  There  are  however  many  interesting  subjects 
which  must  be  acted  upon  —  &  the  old  members  begin  to 
talk  of  staying  here  till  the  first  of  May  —  I  hope  not  — 

This  Missouri  question  has  given  rise  to  some  move- 
ments in  Virginia  which  show  in  how  little  estimation  the 
President  is  held  in  his  native  state  —  They  are  about  to 
select  candidates  for  electors;  &  it  is  there,  &  here,  dis- 
tinctly anounced,  that,  if  Mr.  Monroe  consents  to  the  bill 
which,  it  is  thought,  will  pass  both  Houses,  restricting  slav- 
ery in  the  territories,  they  will  look  out  for  a  new  president. 
Should  the  bill  pass,  it  will  place  the  President  in  a  sad 
dilemma.  If  he  rejects  it,  acting  under  his  threat  he  loses 
all  the  north,  where  his  best  friends  now  are  —  if  he  ap- 
proves it,  he  is  at  open  war  with  Virginia  &  the  South.24 
I  think  it  probable  however  that  this  violence  is,  in  part 
at  least,  intended  to  alarm  Congress,  as  well  as  influence 
the  President  —  At  any  rate,  there  is  much  confusion  & 
anxiety  at  the  palace  —  &,  of  all  the  cabinet,  Mr  Adams25 
alone  feels   easy,   or  is  likely   to   gain  anything  by  this 

24  The  action  of  the  Virginia  legislature  is  reported  in  Niles'  Register, 
XVII,  425,  441.  See  also  the  letters  to  Senator  James  Barbour  of  Vir- 
ginia, published  in  the  William  and  Mary  College,  Quarterly,  X,  5-24, 
especially  p.  11. 

25  John  Quincy  Adams,  secretary  of  state.  Lewis  Williams,  repre- 
sentative from  North  Carolina,  wrote  to  Thomas  Ruffin,  December  22, 
1821:  "During  the  pendency  of  the  Missouri  Question,  while  it  was 
doubtful  whether  the  influence  and  feeling  excited  by  it  might  not  be 
carried  into  the  next  election  of  President,  John  Q.  Adams  and  his  friends 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  11 

affair  —  He  is  open  &  explicit  in  his  opinions,  &  acts  on  this 
occasion  with  his  characteristic  frankness  — 


Washington  February  20th  1820 
Dear  father, 

We  are  all  still  engaged,  as  deeply  as  ever,  in  the  Mis- 
souri business,  which  seems  to  be  almost  interminable  — 
The  senate  has  sent  down  what  they  call  a  compromise  — 
that  is,  they  have  connected  Maine  &  Missouri,  without 
restriction,  &  have  agreed  to  exclude  Slavery  from  the  ter- 
ritory north  of  36%,  which  would  leave  it  in  Missouri, 
Arcansaw,  &  one  other  state26  —  We  shall  seperate  the  two 
bills  in  our  House  by  a  considerable  majority,  &  I  think 
there  will  finally  be  found  in  the  senate  a  majority  of  one 
or  two  for  receeding  from  their  amendment  —  but  this  is 
uncertain  —  &  many  believe  that  neither  state  will  be  ad- 
mitted this  session  —  Many  of  the  Southern  members 
openly  avow  their  intention  —  They  say  they  have  now  an 
equality  in  the  Senate,  eleven  slave  holding,  &  eleven  free 
state,  &  they  are  determined  not  to  admit  a  free  state  with- 
out bringing  in  at  the  same  time  a  slave  state  to  preserve 
the  balance  —  They  also  throw  out  many  threats,  &  talk 
loudly  of  seperation  —  Governor  Pinckney27  of  South  Caro- 
lina, in  a  very  violent  speech  in  our  House,  said  that  "if 
this  course  was  persisted  in,  the  Southern  States  must  & 
would  dissolve  the  Union "  —  The  Virginians  talk  in  the 
same  style  —  &  Mr  Clay  declares  that  he  will  go  home  & 

were   very  much   elated."     Thomas   RufRn,   Papers,   I,   258,   North   Caro- 
lina Historical  Commission,  Publications. 

26  See  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  II,  1403-1404,  1405-1406. 

2T  Charles  Pinckney.    Ibid.,  1310-1329. 


12  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

raise  troops,  if  necessary,  to  defend  the  people  of  Mis- 
souri —  But  this  is  all  talk,  intended  to  frighten  us  out  of 
our  purpose  —  &  is  so  understood  —  There  is  however  much 
said  about  a  compromise  —  &  I  am  afraid  that  there  will 
[be]  some  flinching  on  this  subject.  —  We  have  now  a 
clear  majority  —  &  nothing  but  firmness  is  necessary  to  give 
us  all  the  success,  on  which  we  have  ever  calculated,  that  is 
to  say,  getting  Maine  in,  &  keeping  Missouri  out.  —  We 
have  had  many  speeches  in  our  House  since  I  wrote  you 
last  —  but  none  very  able,  except  that  of  Mr  Lowndes28  —  I 
was  indiscreet  enough  to  take  the  floor  immediately  after 
him  —  &  should  have  spoken  yesterday;  but  the  bill  from 
the  senate  occupied  the  day,  &  we  did  not  go  into  committee 
of  the  whole  —  I  shall  therefore  have  to  make  my  first 
speech  on  Monday29  —  I  have  matter  enough  for  a  good 
one.  ...  I  hope  we  shall  not  much  longer  be  employed 
on  this  subject  —  The  discussion  has  thus  far  been  attended 
with  many  obvious  advantages  —  much  new  light  has  been 
elicited  —  but  the  public  will,  I  fear,  if  Congress  does  not, 
grow  tired  of  it,  if  longer  continued.     .     .     . 


Washington  February  26th  1820 
Dear  father, 

The  conduct  of  Parrott,30  to  which  you  refer,  is  very  sur- 
prising —  &  the  pains  which  he  has  taken  to  misrepresent 
the  question,  &  to  excite  prejudices  in  New  Hampshire  by 
representing  it  as  a  federal  measure  &  calling  upon  the 
Republicans   of  the   north  not  to  desert   their   southern 

28  William  Lowndes  of  South  Carolina.     This  speech  is  not  reported 
in  the  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  II,  1405. 

29  February  21.    The  text  of  the  speech  is  given  in  ibid.,  1412-1440. 

30  Senator  John  F.  Parrott  of  New  Hampshire. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  13 

friends,  is  in  my  opinion  altogether  unjustifiable  —  Such 
representations  however  &  the  influence  of  the  Palace, 
which  after  all  is  heavier  than  the  Capitol,  have  produced 
a  considerable  change  here  —  &,  if,  at  first  we  succeed  in 
carrying  the  restriction  through  our  house,  we  shall  in  the 
end  want  firmness  to  support  it  —  &  the  affair  will  end  in  a 
compromise  —  That  this  will  be  the  case  I  have  little  or  no 
doubt  —  I  have  seen  a  good  deal  of  flinching  for  a  fortnight 
past  —  &  in  the  end  we  shall  not  be  able  to  stand  fire  — 
Something  however  will  be  gained  by  the  restriction  on  the 
territories,  though,  if  annexed  to  Missouri,  without  restric- 
tion, I  shall  be  obliged  to  vote  against  both  —  The  bargain- 
ing of  which  you  speak,  is  apparent  in  too  many  in- 
stances —  &  if  we  fail,  it  will  be  by  a  bargain  between  the 
southern  &  western  members  &  the  members  from  Maine  — 
Two  or  three  of  them  at  least  will  finally  yield  to  this 
infamous  &  corrupt  motive.     .     .     . 


Washington  March  4th  1820. 
Dear  father. 


We  have  after  all  our  labour  &  our  exertions  lost  the 
restriction  on  the  Missouri  bill31  —  This  event  I  had  fore- 
seen for  three  weeks  past,  though  I  mentioned  it  to  no  one 
whom  I  thought  it  would  discourage  —  The  Southern  & 
Western  people  talked  so  much,  threatened  so  loudly,  & 

si  The  restriction  here  referred  to  was  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in 
Missouri.  In  its  place  was  substituted  the  famous  compromise  that, 
excepting  Missouri,  in  all  the  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United 
States,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lay  north  of  thirty-six  degrees 
and  thirty  minutes  north  latitude  slavery  should  be  forever  prohibited. 
The  report  of  the  conference  committee  is  given  in  the  Annals  of  Con- 
gress, 16  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  II,  1576-1577. 


14  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

predicted  such  dreadful  consequences  from  the  success  of 
our  measures,  that  they  fairly  frightened  our  weak-minded 
members  into  an  abandonment  of  this  most  important  & 
salutary  measure.  About  ten  members,  whose  names  you 
will  see  in  the  papers,  after  having  voted  with  us  through 
all  the  previous  stages  of  the  business  flinched  at  last  & 
gave  way  when  the  real  "tug  of  war"  came  —  Some  of 
them  bolted,  &  others  voted  against  us.32  .  .  .  But 
though  we  have  lost  Missouri,  we  have  imposed  the  restric- 
tion on  the  territories  —  &  this  in  my  opinion  is  a  great 
point  gained  —  It  is  worth  infinitely  more  than  all  the 
trouble  it  has  cost  us,  the  time  we  have  spent,  &  the  unkind 
feelings  which  have  been  excited  —  You  can  hardly  con- 
ceive of  the  rage  &  fury  which  prevailed  here  on  this  sub- 
ject —  It  was  seriously  proposed  by  the  leading  men  on  the 
other  side,  Lowndes,  Clay,  Barbour,  &  others,  if  we  suc- 
ceeded, that  they  would  merely  pass  the  appropriation 
bills,  &  then  adjourn,  to  consult  their  constituents  whether 
they  should  ever  come  back  again!  A  dissolution  of  the 
Union  was  spoken  of  as  certain,  &  hardly  to  be  regretted  — 
I  for  one  was  not  much  moved  by  these  threats ;  yet  to  tell 
the  truth  there  was  some  danger,  &  considering  that  it  was 
certain  that  the  Senate  would  not  yield,  perhaps  we  ought 
not  much  to  regret,  though  I  for  one  cannot  help  regretting, 
that  it  ended  in  a  compromise33  —  That  there  should  be  any 

32  For  the  vote  on  concurring  with  the  senate  in  striking  out  of  the 
bill  the  slavery  restriction  on  Missouri,  see  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong., 
1  Sess.,  II,  1586-1587.  The  vote  on  the  compromise  measure  is  in  ibid., 
1587-1588. 

33  Plumer  voted  against  striking  out  the  slavery  restriction  but,  hav- 
ing lost  this,  he  voted  for  the  compromise  clause. 

On  the  threat  of  the  Southerners  to  go  home,  see  the  reported  con- 
versation between  Clay  and  Randolph  in  Ben.  Perley  Poore,  Reminis- 
censes,  I,  210-211;  also  quoted  in  W.  C.  Bruce,  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke, 
I,  449.     An  interesting  statement  of  the  attitude  of  the  South  is  given  in 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  15 

diversity  of  opinion  in  our  part  of  the  country  is  what  more 
surprises  me  than  either  the  union  or  the  zeal  &  passion 
of  the  slave-holders  —  They  came  with  the  greatest  reluct- 
ance even  to  the  compromise  —  &  would  have  refused  this, 
if  it  had  been  in  their  power  —  but  they  were  compelled  to 
surrender  this,  or  lose  the  whole.  The  President  will,  no 
doubt,  sign  the  bill,  though  many  think  it  will  shake  his 
popularity  very  much,  particularly  in  Virginia  —  Few 
members  from  that  state  voted  for  the  compromise.    .    .    . 


House  of  Representatives  April  7th  1820 
Dear  father, 

I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  mentioned  to  you  the  opinions 

a  letter  from  Senator  Montford  Stokes  of  North  Carolina  to  Governor 
John  Branch  of  the  same  state,  February  27,  1820.  A  typed  copy  is  in 
the  possession  of  the  Missouri  Historical  Society  from  the  original  owned 
by  Mr.  John  H.  Gundlach  of  St.  Louis.  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Ulrich 
B.  Phillips  for  the  copy  of  the  letter,  which  here  follows: 

The  question  of  compelling  the  people  of  Missouri  to  form  their 
constitution  so  as  forever  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  slavery  in 
that  State,  has  occupied  both  Houses  of  Congress  for  some  weeks,  and 
has  not  yet  been  settled.  You  have  seen  and  will  hereafter  see,  vol- 
umes of  speeches  on  the  subject,  most  of  which  (not  having  been 
listened  to  in  either  House)  are  intended  for  home  consumption. 
.  This  all  important  contest,  which  is  agitating  the  people  of 
the  United  States  in  a  great  degree  everywhere  ...  in  some  of 
the  Northern  states  has  produced  a  delirium  and  phrensy  approach- 
ing to  madness.  .  .  .  Those  who  are  opposed  to  this  unconsti- 
tutional restriction  upon  the  people  of  Missouri,  cannot  and  do  not 
expect  that  Missouri  will  be  admitted  into  the  Union  without  the 
restriction,  unless  some  concession  or  agreement  shall  take  place 
excluding  slavery  from  a  portion  of  the  west  territory  beyond  the 
Mississippi.  This  is  not  mere  opinion:  it  has  been  ascertained  by 
several  votes  in  the  House  of  Representatives  that  a  considerable 
majority  of  that  body  are  in  favor  of  restriction  as  to  all  the  country 
purchased  from  France  under  the  name  of  Louisiana.  It  is  useless 
to  examine  at  this  time  whether  this  is  a  correct  principle  or  not. 
.  All  that  we  from  the  slave  holding  states  can  do  at  present 
is  to  rescue  from  the  rapacious  grasp  of  these  consciencious  fanatics 
a  considerable  portion  of  Louisiana,  including  all  the  settled  parts 
of  that  extensive  country.  I  can  see  no  means  either  now  or  here- 
after, of  accomplishing  this  object  but  by  consenting  that  slavery  may 
be  prohibited  in  the  northern  portion  of  the  Louisiana  purchase. 


16  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

of  the  cabinet  on  the  Missouri  question  —  The  President84 
&  Mr  Crawford35  were  of  course  against  doing  any  thing  on 
the  subject  whatever.  Mr  Thompson's36  opinions  were  not 
known  for  some  time  —  He  kept  back  &  took  no  part  for 
some  time  —  but  at  last  came  out  in  favour  of  the  Compro- 
mise —  It  since  appears  that  the  Bucktails  or  Tompkinites, 
were  in  general  lukewarm  on  this  subject,  &  many  of  them 
opposed  to  the  restriction.  Mr  Adams  declared  himself 
at  first  decidedly  in  favour  of  the  Restriction  —  &  this  was 
pretty  generally  understood  to  be  his  opinion  to  the  end  — 
But  is  not  correct  —  About  a  week  before  the  final  question 
was  taken,  I  called  upon  him  one  morning  at  his  house,  & 
took  occasion  to  ask  him  his  opinion  on  what  we  ought  to 
do  —  He  said  that  he  had  not  the  least  doubt  of  the  Consti- 
tutional power  of  Congress  to  impose  the  restriction;  but 
that  he  was  satisfied  we  could  not  enforce  it  in  this  case ; 
that  the  people  of  Missouri  were  against  it;  &  that  they 
would  be  supported,  in  any  course  they  might  adopt,  by  one 
half  the  states  in  the  Union ;  that  the  employment  of  slaves 
was  found  so  profitable  in  new  countries,  that  it  would  be 
difficult  to  keep  them  out  even  of  Indiana  &  Illinois  —  & 
that  there  was  very  little  hope  of  saving  any  thing  further 
south  —  He  was  therefore  in  favour  of  the  compromise37  — 
I  was  sorry  to  hear  these  opinions  from  him,  &  I  took  care 

34  Monroe  was  urged  by  friends  to  veto  the  Missouri  bill  and  even 
drafted  such  a  message.  See  Congressional  Globe,  30  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  Ap- 
pendix, 64-67.  His  concern  over  the  question  is  expressed  in  his  letters 
to  Jefferson.  James  Monroe,  Writings  (S.  M.  Hamilton,  ed.),  VI,  114-116, 
121-122. 

35  William  H.  Crawford  of  Georgia,  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
so  Smith  Thompson  of  New  York,  secretary  of  the  navy. 

37  Cf.  John  Quincy  Adams,  Memoirs,  IV,  529-530,  where  under  date  of 
February  23,  1820,  Adams  gives  his  version  of  this  conversation,  which, 
in  the  main,  is  the  same  as  that  told  by  Plumer. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  17 

not  to  make  them  known  where  they  would  do  any  harm  — 
I  have  very  little  doubt  that  the  President  &  his  cabinet 
consulted  on  the  subject,  &  that  this  opinion  was  the  result 
of  their  meeting38  —  I  have  never  heard  what  were  the 
opinions  of  the  Attorney  General39  —  He  no  doubt  con- 
curred with  the  rest  — 

In  a  conversation  which  I  had  with  Robert  G.  Harper,40 
he  said  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  constitutional  power  of  Con- 
gress, but  thought  it  inexpedient  to  exert  it  in  this  case  — 
Mr.  Gaston41  of  North  Caroline  expressed  nearly  the  same 
opinion  —  I  have,  in  fact,  no  doubt  that  there  are  as  many 
in  the  slave  holding  states  who  acknowledge  the  power  of 
Congress,  on  this  subject,  as  there  are  in  the  free  states  who 
deny  it  — 

There  is  to  be  a  caucus  tonight  —  The  real  object  is  to 
nominate  Mr  Clay  for  Vice  President  —  It  is  thought  that 
Tompkins42  will  be  chosen  Governor  of  New  York  —  But  I 
think  little  or  nothing  will  be  done  —  An  attempt  will  be 
made  to  adjourn  sine  die  —  If  this  fails,  I  think  the  better 
course  will  be  for  those  who  wish  to  prevent  a  nomination 
to  secede  —  I  begin  to  suspect  that  Clay's  pretended  resig- 
nation was  intended  principally  for  this  object ;  &  that  if  he 
is  not  Vice  President,  he  will  continue  to  be  Speaker  of  the 

38  A  cabinet  discussion  of  the  Missouri  bill  was  held  March  3.  John 
Quincy  Adams,  Memoirs,  V,  5-12. 

se  William  Wirt  of  Virginia.    For  Wirt's  views,  see  ibid. 

40  Robert  Goodloe  Harper  was  a  representative  from  South  Carolina 
to  the  Third,  Fourth,  Fifth  and  Sixth  Congresses,  and  was  elected  senator 
from  Maryland  in  1816,  but  resigned  the  same  year.  He  was  noted  as  a 
lawyer. 

4i  William  Gaston,  representative  from  North  Carolina  to  the  Thir- 
teenth and  Fourteenth  Congresses  and  prominent  in  judicial  and  political 
circles  in  his  state. 

42  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  vice-president;  re-elected  in  1821. 


18  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications, 

House  —  If  he  were  chosen  to  the  former  office,  it  would 
be  a  stepping  stone  to  the  Presidency  —  With  his  popular 
talents,  &  the  advantage  of  being  here  on  the  spot,  he  would 
stand  a  very  good  chance  of  being  nominated,  at  the  end  of 
the  next  four  years43  — 


Washington  November  23d  1820 
Dear  father, 

•  •••••• 

We  have  just  received  from  Mr.  Lowndes  a  detailed  re- 
port on  the  Missouri  Constitution44  —  It  is  in  favour  of  the 
admission  of  Missouri  —  It  has  been  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  —  &  will  not  probably  be  acted  upon 
this  week.     .     .     . 

Mr.  Russ45  of  Connecticut  told  me,  that  in  passing 
through  Philadelphia  on  his  way  here,  he  saw  Mr.  Cheves,46 
of  South  Carolina,  President  of  the  U.  S.  Bank  —  that,  in 
speaking  of  the  Missouri  constitution,  he  told  him  that, 
while  in  the  legislature  of  his  native  state,  it  was  proposed 
to  pass  a  law  prohibiting  free  blacks  from  living  in  the 
state;  but  that  he  was  clearly  of  opinion  that  such  a  law 
would  be  in  violation  of  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  &  that  the  committee,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  to 
whom  it  was  referred,  reported  against  it,  &  it  was  re- 
jected —  Here  is  the  opinion,  given  under  very  favourable 

43  For  the  outcome  of  this  caucus  see  Plumer's  letter  of  April  10, 
1820,  below. 

The  call  for  this  caucus  was  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer, 
from  which  it  was  printed  in  Niles'  Register,  XVIII,  97.  Its  results  are 
given  in  ibid.,  113. 

**  For  the  report,  see  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  453-455. 

*s  John  Russ,  representative  from  Connecticut. 

*«  Langdon  Cheves,  president  of  the  bank  from  1819  to  1823. 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  19 

circumstances,  as  it  respects  impartiality,  of  an  eminent 
lawyer  &  politician  of  the  south,  which  bears  directly  upon 
the  question  before  us.47  Indeed  I  have  hardly  heard  a 
single  individual  justify  this  provision  in  the  Constitution 
of  Missouri.  Yet  it  is  not  easy  to  say  what  ought  to  be 
done  in  this  case.  She  has  thrown  off  her  territorial  gov- 
ernment, erected  herself,  with  our  permission  into  a  state, 
chosen  her  state  officers,  ratified  the  contract  which  we 
offered  her;  &  if  we  refuse  her  admission  into  the  Union, 
she  seems  in  the  condition  of  an  independent  State,  freed 
from  our  control,  &  on  equal  terms  with  us  —  Yet  this  was 
evidently  not  the  intention  of  Congress  in  passing  the  law 
of  the  last  session  —  Difficulties  exist  on  every  side  —  yet 
one  thing  is  clear  that  it  can  never  be  our  duty  to  sanction, 
by  our  act,  Slavery  in  Missouri,  or  to  lend  any  facilities  to 
its  extension,  much  less  to  give  effect  to  a  constitution 
which  directly  violates  that  of  the  Union.  Whatever  is 
done,  I  hope  there  will  be  no  long  debate;  for  of  this  the 
public  would  soon  become  weary,  &  from  mere  disgust,  be 
in  some  danger  of  turning  against  us  —  The  provision 
respecting  free  blacks  was  opposed  by  Scott,48  their  dele- 
gate, &  Barton,49  President  of  the  convention,  whom  they 
have  chosen  one  of  their  Senators.  Among  other  things, 
their  right  to  take  part  in  the  Presidential  Election  may 
produce  some  embarrassment  —  They  have  chosen  Elect- 
ors —  Suppose  the  Senate,  should  admit  their  Senators,  & 

47  The  provision  in  the  proposed  constitution  of  Missouri  directing  the 
legislature  to  pass  such  laws  as  might  be  necessary  to  prohibit  free  blacks 
from  residing  within  the  state. 

48  John  Scott,  delegate  to  Congress;  later  representative  to  the  Sev- 
enteenth, Eighteenth  and  Nineteenth  Congresses. 

49  David  Barton,  who  later  served  as  senator  from  Missouri  from 
December  3,  1821  to  March  3,  1831. 


20  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

the  House  refuse  their  Representative  —  or  that  the  two 
Houses  should  disagree  respecting  their  Electoral  votes, 
who  is  to  decide?50  All  these  questions,  &  others  of  a  dif- 
ficult nature,  will  be  started  to  alarm  the  timid,  &  obtain 
votes  for  Missouri. 


Washington  December  3d  1820. 
Dear  father, 

•  •••••• 

The  Missouri  constitution  is  to  be  discussed  on  Wednes- 
day next  —  I  do  not  think  the  debate  will  be  a  long  one  — 
The  ground  is  considerably  narrowed  —  The  act  of  the  last 
session,  if  constitutional,  (that  is,  if  the  constitution  gives 
the  power  to  Congress  of  admitting  a  state  into  the  Union 
from  without  the  original  territory  of  the  States,  a  ques- 
tion which  it  seems  now  almost  too  late  to  raise,)61  promises 
admission  to  Missouri  upon  certain  conditions  —  If  she  has 
complied  with  those  conditions,  the  act  seems  binding  on 
us  —  One  of  those  conditions  was  that  her  constitution 
should  not  be  repugnant  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 

50  Provision  for  the  counting  of  disputed  electoral  votes  was  made  in 
a  constitutional  amendment  introduced  in  1798  by  Senator  Humphrey 
Marshall  of  Kentucky.  Herman  V.  Ames,  "Proposed  Amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,"  American  Historical  Association,  An- 
nual Report,  1896,  II,  117. 

Possible  difficulties  arising  from  disputed  electoral  returns  were 
pointed  out  by  Plumer's  father  in  the  presidential  election  of  1804.  See 
William  Plumer,  Memorandum  of  Proceedings  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
1803-1807  (Everett  S.  Brown,  ed.),  286. 

The  question  was  not  settled  until  the  disputed  election  of  1876  led 
to  the  passage  of  the  Electoral  Count  Act  of  1887.  U.  S„  Statutes  at 
Large,  XXIV,  373-375.  Even  that  act  has  not  obviated  all  possible  com- 
plications. 

si  This  question  was  first  raised  with  respect  to  the  state  of  Louisiana. 
See  Everett  S.  Brown,  The  Constitutional  History  of  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase, 1803-1812,  for  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  subject. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  21 

States ;  &  if  no  such  repugnance  can  be  discovered,  are  we 
not  bound  to  admit  her?  If  so,  the  question  is,  not  whether 
slavery  shall  be  allowed,  but  whether  on  this  or  any  other 
point  her  constitution  is  repugnant  to  that  which  we  have 
sworn  to  support  —  That  it  is,  seems  to  me  to  admit  of  no 
doubt  —  It  is  indeed  even  conceded  by  some  who  yet  advo- 
cate her  admission,  &  say  we  ought  to  leave  the  Judiciary 
to  decide  the  question.  There  is  another  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, which  if  correct,  opens  the  whole  discussion  as  wide 
as  it  was  at  the  last  session  —  The  act  under  which  Mis- 
souri claims,  contained  conditions  to  be  performed  by  her 
&  by  us,  —  she  has  failed  to  perform  her  part  —  she  cannot 
therefore  call  upon  us  to  perform  ours  —  so  that  the  act 
of  the  last  session  is  in  effect  void  —  Missouri  is  still  a 
territory  —  &  if  we  again  grant  her  leave  to  form  a  consti- 
tution &  state  government,  it  may  be  upon  such  terms  as  we 
chose  to  propose,  including  that  of  the  last  session  respect- 
ing slavery  —  I  do  not  however  think  the  Members  in  gen- 
eral will  take  this  view  of  the  subject  —  but  content  them- 
selves with  objecting  to  the  clause  respecting  free  blacks  — 
The  subject  no  longer  excites  the  same  interest  it  did  last 
year;  &  I  am  even  doubtful  whether  the  majority  will  not 
be  in  favour  of  admitting  Missouri  with  some  declaratory 
proviso,  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  clause,  which  will  in  fact 
amount  to  nothing,  but  serve  merely  as  a  salve  to  tender 


Washington  December  9th  1820 
Dear  father. 


The  debate  on  the  Missouri  constitution  commenced  in 
both  Houses  on  Wednesday  —  In  our  House,  Mr  Lowndes 

52  Plumer  here  showed  himself  to  be  a  good  judge  of  the  temper  of 
his  fellow  legislators,  as  later  developments  were  to  prove. 


22  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

occupied  the  first  day  in  a  speech  which,  in  my  opinion, 
gave  up  the  whole  ground  —  He  acknowledged  that  the 
clause  in  question  might  be  &  in  a  certain  sense  was  uncon- 
stitutional—  but  contended  that  we  could  not  decide  the 
question;  but  must  refer  it  to  the  Judiciary  —  His  chief 
argument  was  that  Missouri  was  already  a  State  —  &  her 
situation  in  all  respects  like  that  of  the  oldest  state  in  the 
Union  —  Yet  he  admitted  the  right  of  Congress  to  interfere 
in  certain  cases;  &  thus  in  effect  gave  up  the  whole  argu- 
ment53 — 

Thursday  was  occupied  by  Sargeant  in  a  Speech  of  two 
hours  &  a  half  —  He  placed  the  whole  subject  in  the  strong- 
est point  of  view,  &  refuted  the  arguments  of  Mr  Lowndes 
with  his  usual  courtesy  of  manner,  but  with  a  force  & 
clearness  which  stripped  away  every  thing  like  argument 
or  subtifuge  in  the  case54  — 

He  was  followed  the  next  day  by  Mr  Storrs  of  New 
York55  —  Storrs  voted  last  year  against  the  Eestriction  — 
He  now  votes  against  the  Constitution  of  Missouri  on  ac- 
count of  the  clause  respecting  free  blacks  —  &  he  laboured 
with  much  ingenuity  to  show  that  his  two  votes  were  con- 
sistant  with  each  other  —  It  is  not  certain  how  he  will  vote, 
as  he  concluded  with  intimating  that  some  proviso  might 
possibly  be  adopted  which  would  remove  his  objection.  It 
is  very  clear  that  the  Resolve  will  not  pass  in  its  present 
form  —  but  I  fear  they  will  draw  off  a  portion  of  our 
strength  by  some  such  unmeaning  amendment  as  that  intro- 
duced by  Eaton56  of  the  Senate  — 

53  See  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  508-516. 

s*  See  ibid.,  517-531. 

ss  Henry  R.  Storrs.    See  ibid.,  532-543. 

ss  On  December  6,  1820,  Senator  John  Henry  Eaton  of  Tennessee  of- 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  23 

Storrs  was  followed  by  Barbour  of  Virginia,  who  argued 
with  his  usual  ingenuity;  but  the  exigencies  of  his  case 
forced  him  to  contend,  first  that  there  was  no  such  thing  as 
a  black  or  mulattoe  citizen  in  any  State  of  the  Union;  & 
secondly  that  Missouri  is  at  this  time  a  member  of  this 
Union57  — 

The  question  ought  now  to  have  been  taken  —  The  subject 
had  been  ably  discussed  on  both  sides  by  two  persons  on 
each  —  But  there  were  so  many  who  wished  to  speak,  that 
I  fear  we  shall  not  get  the  question  short  of  another  week — 

December  14. 
We  have  just  taken  the  question  on  the  admission  of 
Missouri  on  Mr  Lowndes  resolution,  ayes  79,  noes  93,  ma- 
jority 1458  —  This  is  the  first  trial,  &  almost  all  the  doubtful 
men  went  with  us  this  time  —  But  there  are  already  signs 
enough  of  their  irresolution  —  &  I  have  little  doubt  that  we 
shall  come  into  some  unmeaning  compromise  before  it  is 
over  — 

Washington  December  14th  1820 
Dear  father, 

The  vote  which  we  gave  yesterday  rejecting  the  Missouri 
resolution  gives  great  trouble  to  the  Southern  people  — 

fered  the  following  proviso  to  the  resolution  for  the  admission  into  the 
Union  of  the  state  of  Missouri: 

Provided,  That  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
give  the  assent  of  Congress  to  any  provision  in  the  constitution  of  Mis- 
souri, if  any  such  there  be,  which  contravenes  that  clause  in  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  which  declares  that  "the  citizens  of  each 
State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizen  in  the 
several  States."    Ibid.,  41. 

57  See  ibid.,  543-554. 

58  The  vote  was  taken  on  December  13.    Ibid.,  669-670. 


24  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

They  begin  already  to  talk  of  dissolving  the  Union,  of 
admitting  the  Missouri  Senators  in  the  other  Branch,  &  of 
many  other  desperate  schemes,  all  intended  to  operate 
upon  weak  nerves,  &  feeble  minds  —  Finding  themselves 
outnumbered  in  the  House,  their  object  now  is  to  postpone 
the  question,  to  gain  time,  &  with  time  to  gain  strength,  to 
alarm  the  timorous  &  convert  the  wavering  —  So  anxious 
are  they  for  this  delay,  that  they  attempted  to  adjourn  over 
from  today  (Thursday)  to  Monday  next.  But  in  this  they 
failed  —  &  if  we  are  wise  we  shall  tomorrow  take  up  the 
resolve  of  the  Senate,  containing  Eaton's  proviso,  &  act 
on  it  without  delay59  —  We  are  strong  now,  but  every  day 
will  take  something  from  our  strength  —  I  asked  Mr. 
Lowndes  why  he  wished  for  delay  —  After  some  hesitation 
he  acknowledged  that  it  was  to  give  time  for  us  to  cool 
down,  in  other  words,  to  divide  among  ourselves  &  give  up 
the  question  —  You  are  excited  now,  he  added,  &  I  think  it 
good  policy  to  wait  till  the  antagonist  muscle  relaxes  —  I 
told  him  that  theirs  might  perhaps  relax  as  soon  as  ours  — 
But  this  is  not  likely  to  be  the  case  —  They  have  the  advan- 
tage of  us  in  that  respect.     .     .     . 


Washington  January  13th  1821 
Deae  father, 

We  have  spent  the  two  last  days  with  as  little  profit  to 
ourselves  &  to  the  public  as  can  well  be  imagined  —  Yes- 
terday was  employed  in  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 

69  The  senate  adjourned  until  Monday,  December  18.  Annals  of  Con- 
gress, 16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  121.  The  house  met  on  Friday,  December  15,  but 
did  not  take  up  the  Missouri  question.    Ibid.,  672-678. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  25 

friends  of  Missouri  to  insert  in  the  record  of  the  House  the 
word  State  preceeding  Missouri,  so  as  to  imply,  at  least, 
that  we  considered  her  as  a  state  —  The  same  party  also 
moved  to  insert  the  word  territory,  but  without  success  — 
&  the  house  adjourned  after  a  sitting  of  six  hours,  having 
decided  no  other  point  than  that  they  would  not  alter  their 
Journal60  —  I  never  saw  more  violence,  not  even  last  win- 
ter, than  was  betrayed  by  Randolph,  Archer61  &  Parker62  of 
Virginia,  Trimble,63  &  some  others  on  this  question  —  Ran- 
dolph wanted  an  occasion  to  vent  his  spleen  on  Taylor64  — 
&  Trimble  was  provoked  because  he  had  been  left  off  of  the 
Financial  Committee,  where  he  fancied  he  made  a  distin- 
guished figure  —  &  they  all  felt  angry  &  mortified  at  their 
repeated  defeats  on  the  Missouri  question  —  At  the  first 
vote  owing  to  various  causes,  they  came  very  near  carrying 
their  point  —  the  vote  was  76  to  7665  —  But  we  gained 
strength  at  every  subsequent  vote66  —  This  was  the  first 
time  the  New  Speaker  had  been  put  to  the  Trial,  &  he  came 
out  of  it,  in  the  opinion  of  all  parties,  with  great  honor  to 

so  The  question  arose  as  a  result  of  the  presentation  to  the  house  by 
Lowndes  of  three  memorials  from  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives 
of  Missouri  concerning  the  purchase  of  public  lands  in  Missouri.  Ibid., 
841.  Thomas  W.  Cobb  moved  to  amend  the  entry  in  the  Journal  by  in- 
serting, before  the  word  "Missouri,"  the  words  "the  State  of".    Ibid.,  842. 

6i  William  S.  Archer. 

62  Severn  E.  Parker. 

63  David  Trimble  of  Kentucky. 

6i  John  W.  Taylor,  speaker  of  the  house. 

65  For  this  vote,  see  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  844-845. 
The  speaker  also  cast  his  vote  with  the  nays. 

ee  A  motion  by  Archer  that  the  words  "the  Territory  of"  be  inserted 
before  the  word  "Missouri"  in  the  entry  of  the  Journal  under  discussion 
was  lost,  only  four  votes  being  cast  in  favor  of  it.  Ibid.,  852-853.  A  mo- 
tion by  Henry  R.  Warfield  of  Maryland  to  reconsider  the  vote  on  the  first 
motion,  to  insert  the  words  "the  State  of"  before  "Missouri"  was  defeated 
by  a  vote  of  77  to  71.     Ibid.,  853-854.     Barbour's  motion  to  amend  the 


26  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

himself  —  Though  much  was  said  to  him  personally  of  an 
irritating  nature,  he  never  lost  his  temper,  nor  suffered 
himself  to  be  encroached  upon  with  impunity  —  Several 
points  of  order  were  made  —  &  urged  with  vehemence  — 
Twice  his  decision  was  appealed  from  —  but  in  both  cases 
he  explained  the  rule  with  such  force  &  clearness  that  the 
appeals  were  withdrawn,  though  one  was  taken  by  Cobb,  & 
the  other  by  Nelson  of  Virginia,  men  who  think  themselves 
well  informed,  &  who  are  not  apt  to  surrender  an  opinion 
once  avowed  —  I  may  add  here  that  Taylor  answers  fully 
the  sanguine  expectations  of  his  warmest  friends,  &  that 
he  is  generally  allowed  to  be  an  excellent  presiding  officer — 

On  our  side  but  little  was  said,  in  this  debate  —  &  that 
little  with  perfect  coolness  &  good  humour  —  In  this  respect 
we  had  manifestly  the  advantage  —  They  were  angry, 
divided  among  themselves,  &  desperate  in  their  language  & 
conduct  — 

This  morning  Reid  of  Georgia  attempted  to  revive  the 
subject  —  but  after  hearing  a  long  speech  from  him,  the 
House  refused  by  a  vote  of  96  to  47  to  consider  his  proposi- 
tions.67 The  most  prudent  men  on  his  own  side  all  voted 
against  him  —  Indeed  many  of  them  considered  the  course 
they  had  taken  yesterday  as  imprudent,  &  unwise,  calcu- 
lated to  answer  no  useful  purpose  but  on  the  contrary  to 
irritate  &  provoke  the  majority,  &  thus  defeat  their  own 
object  with  respect  to  Missouri  —  The  whole  affair  was 

entry  in  the  Journal  by  inserting,  after  the  words  "public  lands,"  where 
they  first  occur,  the  words  "in  the  late  Territory  of  Missouri"  was  de- 
feated 79  to  61.  Ibid.,  856-857.  These  various  motions,  with  sundry  at- 
tempted amendments,  fully  substantiate  Plumer's  statement  that  the  new 
speaker,  Taylor,  was  put  to  a  severe  test. 

e?  Robert  R.  Reid.    On  this  motion  and  the  vote  against  it,  see  Annals 
of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  859-863. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  27 

unexpected  on  our  side,  &  I  believe  without  concert  on  their 
part  —  The  hot  &  hasty  tempers,  &  the  young  men  particu- 
larly, took  the  lead,  &  dragged  the  rest  after  them  —  They 
want  the  guidance  of  such  a  man  as  Mr  Clay,  who,  with  all 
his  violence  &  impetuosity,  knew  better  how  to  control  & 
direct  his  party,  than  any  man  they  now  have  here  — 

Dr  Eustis  has  given  notice  that  he  shall  call  up  his  propo- 
sition respecting  Missouri  on  Monday  next68  —  It  will  I 
think  be  rejected  by  both  sides  of  the  House  —  but  what 
will  follow  it  is  impossible  to  tell  —  many  think  Missouri 
will  not  be  admitted  this  session  —  &  that  if  we  can  keep 
her  out  till  the  next  session  the  restriction  of  the  last  ses- 
sion, will  be  imposed  —  I  have  doubts  about  this  —  Eustis 
will  carry  enough  with  him  to  defeat  us  on  that  point  —  It 
is  unfortunate  for  us  that  he  is  here — He  possesses  talents 
(the  remains  at  least  of  an  able  man)  &  he  has  age,  & 
weight  of  character  —  but  he  wants  judgment ;  &  is  no 
longer  fit  to  lead  —  &  does  not  chose  to  follow  —  Such  a 
man,  without  any  bad  intentions,  is  able  &  likely,  to  betray 
the  best  cause,  from  mere  indiscretion  —  They  get  round 
him,  flatter  his  vanity,  &  gain  his  vote.  .  .  .  He  has 
made  two  or  three  very  popular  speeches  on  retrenchment, 
&  economy,  &  returning  to  the  Eepublican  simplicity  of 
former  days  —  He  showed  in  them  more  mind  than  I  sup- 
posed that  he  now  possessed. 

68  William  Eustis  of  Massachusetts  had  introduced  a  resolution, 
December  19,  1820,  providing  for  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union 
on  condition  that  she  expunge  from  her  constitution  the  clause  making  it 
the  duty  of  the  legislature  to  prevent  free  people  of  color  from  entering 
or  settling  in  the  state.  Ibid.,  679.  Eustis's  resolution  was  called  up  on 
Monday,  January  15,  1821  but  on  his  motion,  in  order  that  it  might  not 
interrupt  the  discussion  of  the  Army  bill,  it  was  referred  to  a  committee 
of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union.  Ibid.,  864.  On  Wednesday,  Janu- 
ary 24,  the  resolution  was  discussed  and  defeated.    Ibid.,  942-944. 


28  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Washington  January  16th  1821. 
Dear  father, 

I  think  with  you  that  Eustis '  proposition  ought  not  to  be 
adopted  —  &  I  do  not  believe  that  it  will  be.  The  southern 
&  western  people  all  declare  against  it  —  &  those  from  the 
free  states  seem  generally  inclined  to  reject  it  —  I  have 
taken  some  pains  to  converse  with  the  leading  men  on  our 
side  —  &  they  think  we  ought  to  do  nothing  further  this 
session  —  Missouri  asked  leave  to  form  a  constitution  — 
we  gave  it  upon  certain  conditions  —  She  has  presented  a 
constitution,  which  we  have  declared  cannot  be  accepted 
by  us  as  a  fulfilment  of  the  conditions  on  which  we  prom- 
ised to  admit  her  into  the  Union  —  If  she  wishes  admission, 
she  knows  on  what  conditions  she  can  obtain  it  —  Let  her 
either  ask  leave  to  call  a  new  convention,  or,  without  apply- 
ing to  us  for  that  purpose,  alter  her  constitution  where  it 
is  exceptionable  —  &  she  will  then  be  admitted  —  This  is 
probably  the  best  course  we  can  adopt  —  but  I  do  not  think 
we  have  force  enough  to  pursue  it  to  the  end.  It  is  possible 
however  that  I  am  mistaken  —  &  if  so,  if  nothing  is  done 
till  the  next  session,  the  old  question  of  Restriction  will 
probably  be  revived,  &  Missouri  may  yet  be  prevented  from 
becoming  a  slave  holding  state  —  But  I  doubt  this,  as  Con- 
gress, as  well  as  the  people  at  large,  seem  weary  of  the 
subject,  &  wish  to  see  it  closed.     .     .     . 


Washington  February  2d  1821 
Dear  father, 

I  wish  I  had  time  to  write  you  two  or  three  long  letters 
on  the  proceedings  of  Congress  on  the  Missouri  constitu- 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  29 

tion,  which  we  have  had  before  us  the  last  eight  or  ten 
days  —  The  subject  was  called  up  by  Mr  Clay69  —  &  those 
who  were  opposed  to  her  admission  in  the  present  state  of 
the  question,  finding  it  necessary  to  determine  on  some 
definite  course,  had  a  meeting  to  see  what  that  course 
should  be  —  About  twenty  of  us  met  —  The  first  question 
was  should  we  insist  at  the  present  session  on  the  Restric- 
tion of  Slavery  —  Almost  all  were  opposed  to  this  —  some 
considered  the  question  as  settled  at  the  last  session  — 
others  urged  the  utter  impossibility  of  carrying  it  through 
the  Senate,  even  if  it  succeeded,  which  was  improbable,  in 
the  House  —  &  all  agreed  that  the  people  at  large  had  be- 
come tired  of  the  subject,  &  wished  to  see  the  controversy 
closed  without  further  delay  —  It  was  however  generally 
agreed  that  we  ought  to  do  nothing  by  which  we  should 
even  appear  to  relinquish  our  former  doctrines  —  Another 
question  which  arose  in  this  meeting  was  whether  we  should 
vote  for  any  proposition,  which  carried  with  it  the  idea  of 
admission  this  session  —  &  it  seemed  to  be  the  general 
understanding  that  no  such  proposition  could  be  offered 
which  would  be  free  from  the  objections  already  urged 
against  the  clause  respecting  free  negroes  —  The  meeting 
broke  up  with  a  conviction  in  the  minds  of  most  of  those 
present  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  but  say  no,  to  every 
proposition  which  could  be  made  from  the  other  side.  It 
was  apparent  however  that  almost  everybody  was  tired  of 
the  controversy,  &  wished  in  general  that  Missouri  was 

69  Henry  Clay  took  his  seat  January  16,  1821.  Annals  of  Congress, 
16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  872.  On  Clay's  motion,  January  29,  the  house  began  dis- 
cussion of  the  resolution  from  the  senate,  for  admitting  Missouri  into  the 
Union,  with  a  caveat  against  the  provision,  if  one  existed,  which  conflicted 
with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Ibid.,  982.  See  footnote  56, 
above,  for  the  full  text  of  this  provision. 


30  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

admitted,  or  rather  that  they  were  free  from  the  responsi- 
bility of  longer  keeping  alive  this  painful  controversy  — 

You  will  perseive  by  the  News  Papers  that  a  multitude 
of  amendments  have  been  proposed  to  the  resolve  from  the 
Senate  —  most  of  them  meaning  nothing,  &  none  of  them 
reaching  the  root  of  the  evil,  even  if  restriction  were  aban- 
doned —  The  southern  people  indeed,  before  they  would 
vote  for  any  amendment  were  obliged  to  convince  them- 
selves that  it  meant  nothing  —  &  this  was  enough  to  con- 
vince us  that  we  ought  not  to  vote  for  it  —  In  the  course 
of  the  debate  yesterday  Mr  Sargeant  suggested  his  plan, 
which  was,  in  substance,  not  to  admit  Missouri  this  session, 
but  to  give  her,  without  any  act  on  our  part,  another  year 
to  reform  her  constitution,  &  leaving  it  to  the  next  Con- 
gress to  say,  when  she  again  presented  herself  for  admis- 
sion whether  her  constitution  was  such  as  to  entitle  her  to 
that  favour70  —  This  would  be  deciding  nothing  at  present, 
asserting  no  principles,  &  giving  up  none.  This  idea  of 
bequeathing  the  controversy  to  the  next  Congress  was 
pretty  generally  disapproved  by  all  parties  —  though  I 
have  no  doubt,  if  it  could  have  been  adopted,  it  would  have 
given  us  a  much  better  chance  than  we  now  have,  of  bring- 
ing Missouri  to  adopt  the  restriction  — 

In  the  long  &  animated  debates  which  have  taken  place 
on  this  subject,  Mr  Clay,  who,  as  usual,  takes  the  lead  in 
favour  of  Missouri,  has  assumed  a  new  character  —  He 
uses  no  threats,  or  abuse  —  but  all  is  mild,  humble,  &  per- 
suasive—  he    begs,    entreats,    adjures,    suplicates,    &   be- 

70  Sergeant's  plan  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Annals  of  Congress  of  Feb- 
ruary 1,  although  it  is  recorded  that  "the  whole  day  was  spent  in  animated 
debate,  and  interesting  proceedings."  Ibid.,  1001.  The  House  Journal  of 
this  date  merely  states  that  the  house  "again  had  the  state  of  the  Union 
under  consideration,  and  came  to  no  resolution  thereon." 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  31 

seaches  us  to  have  mercy  upon  the  people  of  Missouri  — 
He  is  ready  to  vote  for  anything,  &  everything  which  we 
may  propose,  short  of  restriction,  &  he  knows,  such  is  his 
language,  that  we  have  too  much  justice,  good  sense,  & 
good  feeling  to  move  again  that  odious  question  —  The 
same  tone  is  taken  by  his  followers  in  general  —  but  there 
are  some  among  the  southern  members,  who  will  not  go 
along  with  him  in  this  course,  &  who,  like  Randolph,  vote 
against  every  proviso  —  On  our  side  there  is  also  great 
diversity  of  opinion  at  least  among  a  few  —  One  class  is  in 
favour  of  admitting  Missouri  this  session,  with  a  proviso 
which  they  think  amounts  to  a  repeal  of  the  obnoxious 
clause  —  others  think  that  she  alone  can  remove  the  objec- 
tion, &  consequently  propose  her  introduction  at  the  next 
or  some  subsequent  session,  on  condition  that  she  expunges 
this  article  from  her  constitution. 

Yesterday  &  today  have  been  spent  in  trying  the  various 
amendments  proposed  by  Storrs,71  Foot,72  Hackley,73 
Moore,74  &  McLaine75  —  which  were  all  rejected.  After 
being  five  hours  in  session  today,  &  coming  no  nearer  than 
at  first  to  any  conclusion,  Clay,  who  perceived  that  in  this 
way  Missouri  must  be  rejected,  proposed  that  the  resolu- 
tion from  the  Senate  should  be  referred  to  a  select  com- 
mittee of  thirteen,  in  hopes  that  they  might  agree  upon 
some  expedient  which  should  be  satisfactory  to  a  majority 
of  the  House76  —  This  was  an  artful  measure  on  the  part  of 
Clay,  &  will  I  have  little  doubt  be  in  the  end  successful  — 

71  See  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  1001-1002,  1025-1026. 

72  Samuel  A.  Foot  of  Connecticut.    See  ibid.,  1001-1002. 

73  Aaron  Hackley,  Jr.,  of  New  York.    See  ibid.,  1002. 

74  Samuel  Moore  of  Pennsylvania.     See  ibid.,  1027. 

75  Louis  McLane  of  Delaware.     See  ibid.,  999-1000,  1002,  1006-1025. 

76  See  ibid.,  1027. 


32  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

The  committee  will  of  course  consist,  a  majority  of  them, 
of  what  were  last  winter  called  dough  faces  —  &  if  they 
can  agree  among  themselves,  the  southern  people  will 
accept  their  proviso,  whatever  it  may  be  —  Here  the  matter 
rests  for  the  present  — 

I  have  hardly  time  to  add  what  were  my  own  views  on 
this  subject  —  The  people  of  Missouri  having  neglected  or 
refused  to  comply  with  the  terms  prescribed  to  them,  in 
the  act  of  the  last  session,  I  considered  myself  no  longer 
bound,  if  indeed  I  could  at  all  be  bound,  to  admit  them 
under  the  law  into  the  Union  —  Of  course,  the  question  of 
restriction  was  once  more  open  to  discussion  —  &  for  my 
part,  I  was  determined,  &  still  am,  never  to  vote  for  the 
admission  of  any  state,  without  a  provision  against  the 
introduction  of  slavery  among  its  inhabitants  —  With 
these  sentiments  however,  it  is  quite  another  question 
whether  we  ought,  at  this  time,  again  to  propose  the 
Restriction.  First,  we  know  it  would  not  pass  the  Senate, 
probably  not  the  House  —  Secondly  It  is  equally  certain, 
after  what  has  passed,  it  would  not  be  adopted  by  Missouri 
—  I  came  therefore  to  the  conclusion  that  we  ought  to  vote 
against  every  proposition  which  might  be  made  for  her 
admission,  this  year;  to  see  what  she  would  do  in  the  in- 
terim —  &,  if,  when  the  next  Congress  met,  she  presented 
a  constitution  which  was  free  from  objections,  to  receive 
her  into  the  Union  —  Nor  did  it  seem  impossible  that  when 
thus  left  to  herself  she  might  prohibit  slavery,  or  at  least 
take  some  measure  tending  to  its  gradual  abolition,  though 
she  did  not  chose  to  do  either  upon  our  requisition.  Indeed 
it  is  the  opinion  of  many  well  informed  people  from  the 
west  that,  if  they  could  be  kept  out,  for  two  years  longer 
they  would  of  themselves  prohibit  slavery,  as  the  popula- 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  33 

tion  from  the  free  states  would  probably  before  that  time 
outnumber  that  from  the  slave-holding  states  — 

But  this  course  has  too  much  the  appearance  of  inaction 
for  busy  and  impatient  men,  who  want  everything  done  at 
once  &  in  a  day  — 

I  have  had  considerable  conversation  with  Mr  Sargeant 
on  this  subject  —  &  I  find  that  he  is  heartily  tired  of  the 
question  —  He  wishes  to  leave  Congress,  but  cannot  do  it 
till  this  subject  is  finally  disposed  of  —  It  may  be  however 
that  he  wishes  only  to  leave  the  House  for  a  seat  in  the 
Senate  —  &  he  knows  that  the  Republicans  of  Pennsyl- 
vania wish  to  see  this  dispute  ended  —  Sargeant  is  also  a 
little  alarmed  at  the  consequences  which  may  grow  out  of 
this  affair  — 

Mr  Taylor,  who  moved  the  restriction  last  year,  has 
taken  no  part,  beyond  voting,  in  the  controversy  this  ses- 
sion—  As  Speaker,  he  wishes  to  conciliate  the  southern 
people,  who  look  upon  him  with  a  jealous  eye  —  His  elec- 
tion in  New  York  too,  will  be  severely  contested;  &  he 
wishes  to  give  no  offence  to  the  Bucktails,  who  are,  at 
heart,  opposed  to  restriction  —  He  has  therefore  acted  with 
great  caution ;  &  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  appoint  a  Committee 
favourable  to  some  compromise77  —  Indeed  he  could  not 
well  do  otherwise,  as  it  is  an  invariable  rule  to  give  the 
mover  of  any  proposition  a  committee  friendly  to  its  ob- 
ject —  The  effect  however  will  be  that  their  report,  if  not 
too  strong  for  the  Southern  people,  will  find  enough  of  our 

77  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  1027.  The  members  of  the 
committee  were  Clay  of  Kentucky,  Eustis  of  Massachusetts,  Smith  of  Mary- 
land, Sergeant  of  Pennsylvania,  Lowndes  of  South  Carolina,  Ford  of  New 
York,  Archer  of  Virginia,  Hackley  of  New  York,  Samuel  Moore  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Cobb  of  Georgia,  Tomlinson  of  Connecticut,  Butler  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  Campbell  of  Ohio.    Ibid. 


34  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

people  included  to  adopt  it,  to  carry  it  through  by  the  aid 
of  their  votes. 

Dear  father  Washington  February  11th  1821 

You  will  see  in  the  papers  that  the  Committee  of  Com- 
promise, as  it  is  called,  of  which  he  [Clay]  is  chairman,  has 
reported.78  Its  plan  appears  to  me  a  very  strange  one  — 
Of  the  members  of  the  Committee,  Sargeant  alone  was  in 
favour  of  restriction  at  the  present  time.  The  report  was 
agreed  to  by  seven  only,  out  of  the  thirteen  —  These  were 
Clay,  Smith,  Lowndes,  Archer,  &  Ford  &  Hackley  from 
New  York  —  At  one  time  a  majority  of  the  committee  had 
agreed  to  do  nothing;  but  they  were  persuaded  not  to  ask 
to  be  discharged;  &  the  next  day  they  were  induced  to 
report  as  they  have  done.  ...  If  we  have  strength  to  re- 
ject their  report,  the  next  question  will  probably  be  on 
authorizing  them  to  form  a  new  constitution  —  Mr  Mal- 
lary79  of  Vermont  has  given  notice  that  he  shall  move  the 
restriction  —  But  in  the  present  state  of  things,  this  would 
be  injudicious,  as  it  will  certainly  be  rejected  by  a  very 
large  majority  —  I  have  thought  of  adding  a  clause  to  the 
resolution,  by  way  of  advice  only,  that  they  should  take 
such  measures  as  will  in  their  opinion  produce  the  gradual 
abolution  of  slavery  in  Missouri  —  Many  of  the  Southern 
people  were  willing  to  do  this  last  winter  —  &  more  cannot 

78  For  the  text  of  the  report,  see  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess., 
1078-1080.  The  important  change  made  by  the  committee  in  the  senate 
resolution  was  "that  the  said  State  shall  never  pass  any  law  preventing 
any  description  of  persons  from  coming  to  and  settling  in  the  said  State, 
who  now  are  or  hereafter  may  become  citizens  of  any  of  the  States  of 
this  Union."    For  the  debate  on  the  report,  see  ibid.,  1093-1117. 

79  Rollin  C.  Mallary.  His  motion  to  amend  the  amendment  proposed 
by  the  committee  to  forbid  slavery  in  Missouri  was  negatived.    Ibid,,  1094. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  35 

now  be  attempted  with  any  hopes  of  success  —  It  would 
show  at  least  the  sense  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  &  would  produce  a  salutary  effect  not  only  in  Mis- 
souri, but  in  all  the  Slave  States.  Such  a  motion  would 
however  be  strongly  opposed  at  this  time ;  &  there  are  some 
objections  to  it ;  first,  because  it  would  be  an  abandonment 
of  the  restriction  in  this  case ;  &,  second,  because  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  Congress  ought  to  give  advice  merely, 
where  it  does  not  chose  to  command  —  The  old  Congress80 
very  frequently  advised  the  states ;  indeed  on  most  subjects 
they  could  do  nothing  more  —  but  I  do  not  now  remember 
any  case  in  which  Congress  under  the  present  form  of  gov- 
ernment has  adopted  this  course.  Yet  I  see  no  very  serious 
objection  to  it  —  &,  if,  in  any  instance,  it  might  properly  be 
done,  it  is  in  the  present  —     ... 


Dear  father  Washington  February  15th  1821 

Yesterday  was  the  day  for  counting  the  votes  for  Presi- 
dent &  Vice  President  —  We  had  a  stormy  &  tumultuous 
time  of  it  —  It  was  foreseen  that  the  votes  of  Missouri 
would  be  offered,  &,  of  course,  objected  to  —  You  will  see 
in  the  Papers  the  expedient  adopted  by  the  joint  committee 
to  avoid  this  difficulty81  —  It  is  not  one  with  which  I  was 
entirely  satisfied  —  Yet  on  the  whole  it  seemed  to  be  the 
only  one  which  could  well  be  adopted  —  The  House  would 

so  Under  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

si  Resolved,  That,  if  any  objection  be  made  to  the  votes  of  Missouri, 
and  the  counting  or  omitting  to  count  which  shall  not  essentially  change 
the  result  of  the  election;  in  that  case  they  shall  be  reported  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Senate  in  the  following  manner:  Were  the  votes  of  Missouri 
to  be  counted,  the  result  would  be,  for  A.  B.  for  President  of  the  United 
States,  votes;  if  not  counted,  for  A.  B.  as  President  of  the  United 


36  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

not  consent  to  their  being  counted  —  The  Senate  would  not 
consent  to  their  being  rejected.  This  Missouri  question 
occupies  us  all  the  time,  by  night  &  by  day  —  For  the  last 
three  or  four  days  we  have  been  in  session  every  day  from 
11  o'clock  to  6  or  7,  without  adjournment,  &  of  course  with- 
out rest  or  food  —  It  is  long  since  I  have  dined  except  by 
candle-light.  .  .  .  There  was  considerable  difficulty  in  ar- 
ranging the  cerimonial  on  this  occasion  to  be  observed  be- 
tween the  two  Houses  —  &  though  there  was  a  joint  com- 
mittee each  adopted  a  different  resolution  —  The  Senate 
claimed  for  its  President  that  he  should  preside  over  the 
joint  assembly  —  the  House  that  the  Speaker  should  share 
with  him  in  this  office  —  &  the  latter  course  was  pre- 
served82 —  When  we  came  to  the  votes  of  Missouri,  they 
were  objected  to  by  Mr  Livermore83  —  The  Senate  instead 
of  suffering  their  President  to  proceed,  as  it  had  been 
agreed  in  that  event  he  should  do,  immediately  with- 
drew84 —  Floyd85  of  Virginia  in  a  violent  &  frantic  manner 
moved  a  resolution  that  Missouri  was  a  state  &  that  her 
votes  ought  to  be  counted  —  He  was  sustained  by  Randolph 
in  his  cool  but  determined  manner  in  a  speech  of  extreme 
severity  &  violence  —  till  at  length  Clay  growing  impatient 
of  the  course  things  were  taking,  interupted  him,  &  after 
explaining  with  great  force  &  dignity,  &  liberality  the  cor- 

States,  votes;  but  in  either  event  A.  B.  is  elected  President  of  the 

United  States;  and  in  the  same  manner  for  Vice  President.  A7inals  of 
Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  1147. 

82  See  ibid.,  1153.  The  ceremonies  and  procedure  in  counting  the 
electoral  vote  are  given  in  detail  in  A.  C.  Hinds,  Precedents  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  III,  200  ff. 

ss  Arthur  Livermore  of  New  Hampshire. 

84  See  Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  1154. 

ss  John  Floyd.  For  the  text  of  this  resolution  and  the  debate  which 
ensued,  see  ibid.,  1154-1166. 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  37 

rect  course  of  proceeding,  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the 
table  &  invite  the  Senate  back  again  —  This  was  accord- 
ingly done,  but  not  till  some  warmth  &  no  little  feeling  had 
been  expressed  in  that  dignified  body  at  the  treatment 
they  had  experienced  from  the  House  —  On  their  return 
the  course  was  pursued  with  respect  to  Missouri  pointed 
out  by  the  resolves  of  both  Houses  —  The  President  of  the 
Senate86  then  proceeded  to  make  proclamation  of  the  elec- 
tion of  Mr  Monroe  &  Tompkins,  when  he  was  interupted  by 
Floyd  &  Randolph,  who  enquired  whether  the  votes  of  Mis- 
souri had  been  counted  —  Mr  Gaillard,  who,  you  know,  is 
one  of  the  most  polite  &  complaisant  men  in  the  world,  was 
confused  and  distressed  by  this  interuption,  &  neither 
knew  which  way  to  look  or  what  to  do  —  He  however  at 
length  said  that  he  could  answer  no  questions,  &  had  noth- 
ing to  do  but  declare  the  election  —  This  he  began  again 
to  do,  when  he  was  again  interrupted  by  Floyd,  who,  in  the 
most  violent  manner,  with  menacing  gestures,  &  in  a  tone 
of  defience  &  rage,  exceeding  any  thing  I  ever  saw,  at- 
tempted to  prevent  the  vote  being  declared  —  Randolph 
also  interfered,  but  they  were  both  called  to  order  from  all 
quarters  of  the  House  &  Senate  —  &  directed  by  the 
Speaker,  who  displayed  great  firmness  &  presence  of  mind 
on  this  trying  occassion,  as  he  always  had  when  put  to  the 
trial,  to  take  their  seats  —  Floyd  appealed  from  the  dici- 
sion,  but  was  again  ordered  down  by  the  Speaker  —  Gail- 
lard then  made  his  proclamation  —  When  he  closed,  Ran- 
dolph renewed  his  question  midst  cries  of  order,  —  The 
Speaker  ordered  him  to  sit  down  —  but  he  continued 
speaking  —  when  a  motion  was  made  by  one  of  the  Sen- 
ators to  retire,  which  was  put  by  their  President,  &  that 

86  John  Gaillard  of  South  Carolina. 


38  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

dignified  body  retired  in  some  haste,  &  with  little  order, 
from  the  House,  —  glad,  I  believe,  to  get  out  of  a  place 
where  they  were  treated  with  so  little  ceremony  or  re- 
spect —  Randolph  will  no  doubt  bring  the  subject  up  again 
this  morning,  &  we  shall  probably  have  another  noisy 
day  —  but  no  harm  can  now  be  done,  as  the  election  is 
past  — 

The  conduct  of  Mr  Clay  on  this  occasion  has  been  ex- 
tremely honorable  to  himself  &  useful  to  the  country  —  It 
was  the  opinion  of  many  of  the  Southern  members,  that, 
by  aid  of  this  question,  they  might  force  Missouri  into  the 
Union;  &  that  if  the  Senate  refused  to  proceed,  the  House 
would  not  dare  to  stand  out,  &  thus  prevent  an  election  of 
President  —  But  Clay  refused  to  share  in  any  such  rash 
councils  —  &,  having  in  the  first  place  devised  this  expe- 
dient to  avoid  the  question,  he  laboured  to  carry  it  through 
the  House,  &  in  all  the  subsequent  scenes  of  disorder  & 
confusion,  kept  his  party  down,  &  thus  brought  the  election 
to  a  close  in  peace,  if  not  in  tranquility  —  Had  he  taken 
an  opposite  course  with  the  weight  of  his  influence  &  the  in- 
trinsic difficulties  of  the  subject,  it  is  impossible  to  say  what 
would  have  been  the  result  — 

The  House  was  crowded  with  spectators  of  this  interest- 
ing scene ;  —  some  of  whom  I  should  much  rather  had  not 
been  there,  to  witness  the  insubordination  which  pre- 
vailed —  I  mean,  the  Foreign  Ministers  &  their  agents,  who 
will  not  report  these  events  to  their  courts  in  the  most 
favourable  point  of  view  —  It  is  at  the  same  time  true  that 
the  disturbance  was  all  occasioned  by  two  or  three  unruly 
men,  &  those  not  on  our  side  but  among  the  friends  of 
Missouri  —  On  our  side  all  was  still  &  orderly  as  it  should 
be  — 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  39 

This  proceeding  has  shown,  what  I  have  often  reflected 
on  with  pain,  the  great  defect  &  incompleteness  of  that 
part  of  the  Constitution  which  relates  to  the  choice  of  a 
President,  although  it  has  already  been  once  amended  — 
In  whom  does  the  authority  lie  to  decide  on  the  legality  of 
votes?  In  the  President  of  the  Senate?  In  the  Senate 
acting  through  their  presiding  officer  ?  In  both  branches  of 
the  legislature?  Whatever  answer  you  give  to  these  ques- 
tions, equal  difficulty  &  embarassments  will  be  found  to 
attend  it  —  If  ever  our  government  is  convulsed  to  its 
centre,  it  will  be  in  the  choice  of  a  President  —  when 
parties  are  nearly  equal,  &  the  rejection  of  the  votes  of  a 
single  state,  for  which  pretences  will  never  be  wanting, 
will  give  the  office  to  the  candidate  supported  by  the  two 
Houses,  but  wanting  the  support  of  half  the  states  —  Con- 
sidering what  sort  of  an  election  the  next  is  likely  to  be,  I 
earnestly  hope  that  some  amendment  may  be  adopted  with- 
out delay  to  remove  some  portion  at  least  of  the  obscurity 
&  doubt  which  now  hangs  over  this  part  of  the  Constitu- 
tion —  Governor  Barbour  of  the  Senate  had  promised  to 
bring  forward  some  amendment  of  this  part  of  the  Consti- 
tution; &  though  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  &  provide  for 
all  contingencies,  some  provision  might  certainly  be  made 
for  the  more  obvious  &  alarming  defects  that  now 
exist87 —    .     .     . 

Dear  father,  Washington  February  25th  1821. 

The  Missouri  question  is  still  open — but  I  believe  still, 
as  I  all  along  have,  that  it  will  be  closed  this  session,  by 
the  admission  immediate  or  prospective,  of  the  State.    At 

87  See  footnote  50,  above. 


40  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

least  thirty  of  those  who  last  year  voted  for  restriction, 
have  given  up  that  ground,  as  either  settled  last  year,  or  no 
longer  holding  out  any  prospect  of  success  —  I  have  how- 
ever undergone  no  change  in  this  respect  —  With  me  it  is 
a  sufficient  objection  to  the  admission  of  Missouri,  at  this  or 
any  other  time,  that  she  has  by  her  constitution  expressly 
established  slavery  in  the  state,  &  even  taken  measures  to 
render  it  perpetual.  With  these  views  &  feelings,  I  have 
taken  very  little  interest  in  the  various  attempts  which 
have  been  made  to  explain  away,  abrogate,  or  amend  the 
obnoxious  clause  respecting  free  negroes  &  mulattoes,  be- 
cause if  that  clause  did  not  exist,  I  should  still  vote  against 
her  admission,  while  slavery  was  expressly  established  by 
her  constitution  — 

If  I  could  give  up  this  ground,  as  so  many  others  have,  I 
do  not  think  I  should  have  so  much  difficulty  with  respect 
to  the  others  —  It  is  certain  that  every  state  on  coming 
into  the  Union  submits  to  the  Constitution  &  Laws  of  the 
United  States,  &  all  her  laws  or  constitutional  provisions 
inconsistent  with  these,  are  thereby  made  null  &  void  — 
One  other  difficulty  however  remains  —  Congress  by  admit- 
ting her  may  be  said  to  give  its  consent  &  sanction  to  this 
unconstitutional  clause  —  But  this  difficulty  is  removed  by 
the  provisos,  which  have  been  proposed,  expressly  denying 
any  such  consent  or  approbation. 

This  view  of  the  case  seems  to  me  so  plain  &  obvious, 
that  I  have  never  doubted  that,  (as  their  is  a  strong  ma- 
jority against  restriction,)  those  who  see  no  objection  to 
this  clause,  &  those  who  object  to  no  other,  would  in  the  end 
devise  some  expedient  by  which  Missouri  should  be  ad- 
mitted.   .    .    .    The  Committee  of  thirty88  has  had  one  meet- 

88  On  February  22,  Clay  moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to 


The  Missouri  Compromises,  41 

ing,  &  are  to  meet  again  this  evening,  when  it  is  expected 
they  will  agree  upon  some  report ;  &  whatever  it  may  be,  it 
will,  I  think,  be  adopted  by  both  branches.  Every  day,  as 
we  approach  the  close  of  the  session,  some  one  comes  out 
(from  our  side,  I  mean)  with  a  new  declaration  that  we 
must  close  this  controversy  before  we  part  —  &  this  declar- 
ation is  but  another  way  of  saying  that  they  are  ready  to 
surrender,  &  wait  only  for  the  favourable  moment  — 

Many  of  the  southern  people,  &  particularly  the  Vir- 
ginians, talk  coolly  &  deliberately  of  a  separation  of  the 
States,  or  at  least  of  an  attempt  to  deprive  the  General 
Government  of  some  portion  of  its  powers  —  Besides  this 
business  of  Missouri,  they  say  that  the  General  Govern- 
ment is  every  year  setting  up  new  claims  &  pretensions  — 
They  mention  the  establishment  of  the  Bank;  the  jurisdic- 
tion assumed  in  so  many  disputed  cases  by  the  Supreme 
Court ;  &  many  other  incroachments,  as  they  deem  them,  of 
the  Government  generally  —  Virginia  is  at  this  moment  be- 
fore the  Supreme  Court,  as  a  party  in  her  sovereign 
capacity  as  a  State,  notwithstanding  the  provision  of  the 
Constitution  that  no  state  shall  be  sued  —  She  has  pled 
to  the  Jurisdiction  —  &  if  this  is  decided  against  her,  as  it 
probably  will  be,  she  means  not  to  answer  to  the  merits  of 
the  case,  but  resist  judgment,  if  it  goes  against  her  —  Ohio 
has  a  still  more  violent  quarrel  with  the  Court  —  In  the 
Virginia  case,  (that  of  lotteries  authorized  by  Congress,  & 

meet  with  a  similar  committee  from  the  senate  to  consider  and  report  on 
the  question  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union.  Annals  of 
Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  1219.  This  resolution  being  passed,  and  the 
number  of  members  of  the  committee  being  set  at  twenty-three,  the  house 
proceeded  on  February  23  to  elect  its  committee  members.  Ibid.,  1223- 
1224.  The  next  day  the  senate  voted  to  concur  in  the  proposition  and 
appointed  seven  members  to  meet  with  the  house  committee.  Ibid.> 
381-382. 


42  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

prohibited  by  her  laws,)  the  Court  will  probably  decide  in 
favour  of  the  Jurisdiction,  thus  securing  their  own  power, 
&  on  the  merits,  in  favour  of  Virginia89  —    ... 


Washington,  February  26th,  1821 
Dear  father, 

The  Missouri  question  is  at  last  decided,  at  least  as  far 
as  the  House  of  Representatives  is  concerned  —  The  joint 
Committee  of  thirty  had  their  second  meeting  Sunday 
afternoon,  &  agreed  upon  the  resolution  which  you  will  see 
in  the  papers  —  Of  the  seven  senators,  six  were  in  favour 
of  the  resolution90  —  Rufus  King,  the  seventh,  did  not  at- 
tend —  They  met  in  the  evening  &  his  excuse  was  indisposi- 
tion —  but  it  was  mental,  not  bodily.91  That  no  time  might 
be  lost,  Clay  had  the  resolution  printed  &  laid  on  our  tables 
without  order  of  the  House92  —  And  when  it  had  passed  to  a 

89  Plumer  was  correct  as  to  the  probable  decision  to  be  rendered  in 
Cohens  v.  Virginia,  6  Wheaton,  264.  The  Ohio  case  reached  its  climax  in 
Osoorn  v.  Bank  of  the  United  States,  9  Wheaton,  738.  Contemporary 
opinion  and  criticism  of  these  decisions  is  ably  summarized  in  Charles 
Warren,  The  Supreme  Court  in  United  States  History,  II,  7-24,  117-119; 
I,  529-538. 

»o  John  Holmes  of  Maine,  James  Barbour  of  Virginia,  Jonathan  Rob- 
erts of  Pennsylvania,  David  L.  Morril  of  New  Hampshire,  Samuel  L. 
Southard  of  New  Jersey,  Richard  M.  Johnson  of  Kentucky. 

»i  "The  Comee.  meet  at  5  oc  this  evening,  but  I  shall  not  attend." 
King  to  C.  King,  February  24,  1821;  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus 
King,  VI,  387.  An  interesting  treatment  of  King's  position  on  the  entire 
question  is  given  by  H.  C.  Hockett,  "Rufus  King  and  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise," in  Missouri  Historical  Review,  II,  211-220. 

92  The  resolution  provided  for  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the 
Union  on  condition  that  no  law  should  be  passed  "by  which  any  citizen 
of  either  of  the  States  in  this  Union  shall  be  excluded  from  the  enjoyment 


The  Missouri  Compromises.  43 

second  reading,  in  like  manner,  without  order,  he  had  it 
engrossed  —  &  finding  the  House  in  a  favourable  mood, 
this  important  resolution,  on  a  subject  which  had  occupied 
so  much  of  our  time,  was  finally  passed  through  all  the 
forms  of  the  House,  in  less  time  than  I  ever  saw  before 
devoted  to  any,  even  the  most  ordinary,  subject  — 

On  the  third  reading  the  majority  was  four,  &  on  the  final 
passage  six93  —  It  was  with  great  reluctance  that  many  of 
the  Southern  members  voted  for  the  resolution, — &  noth- 
ing but  the  exertions  of  Clay  brought  them  to  it  —  No  other 
man  could  have  effected  it  —  Randolph  &  Garnet94  voted 
against  it  to  the  end  —  &  Parker  of  Virginia,  &  some 
others,  bolted  —  Many  others  feel  ashamed  of  their  votes, 
as  in  manifest  opposition  to  all  their  former  declarations  — 
On  our  side,  it  was  evident  that  we  were  daily  losing 
ground  —  &  many  are  heartily  glad  that  the  resolution  has 
passed  who  did  not  themselves  votes  for  it  — 

In  the  Senate  the  resolution  will  meet  with  some  opposi- 
tion even  from  the  South;  but  will  no  doubt  pass  without 
amendment95  —  I  cannot  account  for  the  sudden  change  of 

of  any  of  the  privileges  and  immunities  to  which  such  citizen  is  entitled 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  The  legislature  was  re- 
quired to  declare  its  assent  to  this  condition  and  to  transmit  a  copy  of 
its  act  to  the  President  by  the  fourth  Monday  of  the  following  November; 
"upon  the  receipt  whereof  the  President,  by  proclamation,  shall  announce 
the  fact:  whereupon,  and  without  any  further  proceeding  on  the  part  of 
Congress,  the  admission  of  the  said  State  into  this  Union  shall  be  consid- 
ered as  complete."    Annals  of  Congress,  16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  1228. 

93  For  the  debate  and  votes,  see  ibid.,  1236-1240. 

9*  Robert  S.  Garnett  of  Virginia. 

as  The  senate  took  up  the  house  resolution  on  February  27.  A  motion 
by  Nathaniel  Macon  of  North  Carolina  to  strike  out  the  condition  and 
proviso  was  defeated.  Ibid.,  388.  On  February  28  the  senate  passed  the 
resolution,  without  amendment  as  Plumer  expected,  by  a  vote  of  28  to 
14.    Ibid.,  390. 


44  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Mr.  Morril  of  our  State,  who  has  declared  in  favor  of  the 
resolution,  contrary  to  the  whole  course  of  his  former  votes 
&  speeches  —  so  that  the  voice  of  New  Hampshire  in  the 
Senate  will  be  unanimous  in  favour  of  admission,96  as  it  has 
always  been  unanimously  against  it  in  the  House. 

as  Senators  Morril  and  Parrott  voted  in  the  affirmative. 


PART  II 
Presidential  Politics 

1820-1825 


PRESIDENTIAL   POLITICS,  1820-1825 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  SALMA  HALE1 

Washington  April  5th  1820 
Dear  Sir, 

You  ask  my  opinion  of  Adams  &  Crawford,  &  enquire 
what  are  their  prospects.  I  do  not  think  highly  of  Craw- 
ford's talents  —  He  certainly  does  not  possess  much 
genius,  nor  any  great  share  of  acquired  knowledge  —  He 
is  also  too  fond  of  popularity  to  act  with  independence  — 
But  he  is  a  pleasant  man  —  &  has  many  friends  —  the 
southern  people  look  up  to  him,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to 
succeed  Mr.  Monroe,  &  many  of  our  northern  members  are 
unwise  enough  to  acquiesce  in  this  design  —  When  will 
the  race  of  idiots  or  of  traitors  be  extinct  amongst  us  ?  — 
Of  Mr.  Adams'  talents,  knowledge,  &  integrity,  I  have  the 
highest  opinion  —  they  are  universally  acknowledged — 
but  he  wants  those  popular  talents  which  Crawford  pos- 
sesses, &  is,  I  think,  in  general  rather  respected  than  be- 
loved. 

i  Salma  Hale,  a  resident  of  Keene,  New  Hampshire,  played  a  fairly 
prominent  part  in  state  and  national  politics,  holding  various  state  offices 
and  being  elected  to  the  Fifteenth  Congress  as  a  democrat.  He  served  as 
secretary  to  the  boundary  commission  appointed  under  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent.  He  published  a  number  of  works,  among  them  a  History  of  the 
United  States  for  Schools. 

47 


48  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

We  are  just  beginning  to  talk  of  the  next  Presidential 
election  —  There  is  to  be  a  caucus  some  time  this  week  — 
there  will  be  very  little  opposition  to  Mr.  Monroe,  though 
he  is  by  no  means  popular  in  the  Congress  —  There  will 
be  more  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  a  Vice  President  — 
Among  others,  Mr.  Clay  is  talked  of  —  &  this,  I  take  it, 
is  the  secret  of  his  proposed  resignation  of  his  seat  in  the 
House2  —  But  his  conduct  in  relation  to  the  Missouri  bill 
ought  not  to  recommend  him  to  the  free  states  —  While 
speaking  of  Adams,  I  should  have  added  that  he  must  be 
our  candidate  for  the  presidency  after  Monroe  —  Yet 
here  is  the  old  difficulty  again.  The  south  has  but  one  can- 
didate. —  We  have  two  or  three  —  &  in  the  end  we  shall 
be,  as  usual,  defeated  by  ourselves  — .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

House  of  Representatives  —  April  10th  1820 
Dear  father, 

The  Caucus  on  Saturday  night  ended,  as  I  expected,  in 
doing  nothing  —  The  object  was  to  nominate  Mr.  Clay  as 
Vice  President  —  &  to  operate  upon  the  New  York  elec- 
tion, though  it  is  very  uncertain  what  this  operation  would 
have  been  —  It  is  generally  agreed  that  Clay  would  make 
a  good  Vice  President  —  that  is,  he  would  make  a  good 
presiding  officer  in  the  Senate  —  But  it  is  feared  that  this 
office  would  enable  him  to  get  the  President's  chair,  at  the 
end  of  the  next  four  years  —  For  this  purpose  he  has 
some  great  advantages  —  he  is  the  only  man  in  the  western 
states  who  will  be  thought  of  —  his  talents  are  popular  — 

2  Clay  resigned  in  October,  1820. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  49 

he  would  be  on  the  spot  to  make  friends  —  out  of  the  way 
of  the  responsibility  which  he  now  incurs  by  the  measures 
which  he  occasionally  proposes  —  &  being  already  in  the 
second  office  would  seem  a  fit  candidate  for  the  first  — 
But  he  would  make  a  most  dangerous  President  —  On 
this  account,  he  finds  not  many  inclined  to  aid  his  ambi- 
tious views  —  Only  forty  six  members,  out  of  two  hundred 
and  thirty,  attended  the  Caucus  —  &  the  greater  part  of 
those  merely  to  see  what  others  meant  to  do  —  I  should 
have  gone  myself,  from  curiosity,  if  the  weather  had  been 
good  —  but  it  was  very  unpleasant  &  I  have  been  troubled 
for  a  day  or  two  with  a  slight  cold,  &  hoarseness  —  On 
the  motion  of  Col.  Johnson  of  Kentucky,  the  meeting  re- 
solved that  it  was  inexpedient  to  make  any  nomination,  & 
then  adjourned  —  Still  however,  if  Tompkins  is  chosen 
Governor  of  New  York,  there  will  be  great  difficulty  in 
fixing  on  a  Candidate  for  Vice  President3  — 

With  respect  to  President,  Mr.  Monroe  is  by  no  means 
popular  —  but  no  other  person  is  even  talked  of  as  his 
opponent.  The  reasons  are  obvious  —  a  re-election  has 
become  a  matter  of  course,  if  there  is  no  very  strong  ob- 
jections —  there  is  no  one  man  who  stands  so  much  above 
the  rest  as  to  unite  the  public  voice  in  his  favour  —  Adams, 
Crawford,  Clinton,  Clay,  King  —  none  of  these  are  willing 
to  start  for  the  present  in  the  race  —  all  but  the  last  will  be 
candidates  after  the  next  term  —  &  they  know  that  any 
present  attempt  would  destroy  their  future  hopes.     .     .     . 

s  See  Plumer's  letter  of  April  7,  1820,  above;  also  footnote  43,  below. 
Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  V,  57-59,  for  an  account  of  the  caucus,  and  of 
Tompkins's  candidacy  for  the  governorship  of  New  York  against  De  Witt 
Clinton.  Adams  stated  that  Tompkins  had  "no  thought  of  relinquishing 
the  Vice-Presidency  if  he  should  fail  in  the  election  as  Governor  of  New 
York."  Clinton  was  re-elected  governor  and  Tompkins  was  re-elected  vice- 
president. 


50  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

House  of  Represent  ATrvEs  April  11th  1820 
Dear  father, 

Some  of  the  Southern  members  are  opposed  to  Mr. 
Clay's  being  Vice  President,  because  they  think  it  will  be 
an  argument  in  favour  of  taking  the  President  from  the 
Northern  or  Middles  States  —  &  other  say  that  the  Vice 
President  ought  to  come  from  the  Western  States,  but 
they  propose  Mr.  Morrow4  of  Ohio  —  Gen.  King5  &  Gov- 
ernor Wolcott6  have  also  been  named  —  but  only  by  their 
particular  friends  —  If  Tompkins  is  not  the  candidate, 
there  will  probably  be  no  choice  by  the  people  —  This 
would  be  no  great  inconvenience  —  though  the  failure  to 
chose  a  President  would  be  a  serious  one  —  but  of  this 
there  is  no  danger  —  If  there  ever  was  a  time  when  a  Con- 
gressional Caucus  was  unnecessary  it  is  the  present  —  The 
only  question  about  which  there  is  any  difference  of  opin- 
ion is  with  respect  to  the  Vice  President  —  &  this  is  a  point, 
about  which,  at  present,  we  may  divide,  without  danger  or 
inconvenience. 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR. 

Dear  William  Epping  April  24,  1820 

I  am  glad  the  Congressional  caucus  met  &  adjourned 
sine  die  without  nominating  candidates  for  either  President 

4  Jeremiah  Morrow,  elected  first  representative  from  the  state  of  Ohio 
to  the  Eighth  Congress  as  a  democrat.  He  was  in  the  house  from  1803 
to  1813,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  senate,  serving  from  1813  to  1819. 

b  Rufus  King  of  New  York. 

e  Oliver  Wolcott,  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  governor  of 
Connecticut,  and  Hamilton's  successor  as  secretary  of  the  treasury,  which 
office  he  held  from  1795  to  1800. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  51 

or  Vice  President.  Caucuses  are  at  a  low  ebb.  They  have, 
in  general,  discovered  too  much  management  &  intrigue  — 
too  much  regard  for  private,  &  too  little  respect  for  the 
public  interest. 

Mr.  Clay  would  make  a  good  presiding  officer  in  the 
senate,  whom  he  formally  designated  as  the  House  of  In- 
curables. Tho  I  respect  his  talents  &  integrity,  I  fear  his 
vast  ambition  would  prevent  him  from  being  a  safe  &  use- 
ful president  of  the  nation.  I  am  not  willing  to  trust  the 
destiny  of  my  country  to  his  government.  He  would  never 
wish  to  preside  over  the  senate  in  preference  to  the  house, 
unless  with  a  view  to  obtain  the  office  of  chief  majestrate. 
I  would  not  therefore  make  him  Vice  President.     .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  November  13th  1820 
Dear  father, 

I  called  on  Mr.  Lowndes7  this  evening  &  had  with  him, 
as  I  always  have  when  we  meet,  much  interesting  conver- 
sation.    .     .     . 

He  gave  me  the  following  account  of  the  organization  of 
the  Cabinet  in  1817  —  Crawford  &  Clay  both  wished  to  be 
made  Secretary  of  State  —  &  each  insisted  that  the  other 
should  not  have  the  appointment  —  After  much  pains  had 
been  taken,  &  neither  would  relinquish  his  claims  to  the 
other,  it  was  agreed  that  Adams  should  have  the  office,  as 
being  a  man,  who,  in  their  opinion,  was  less  dangerous 
than  any  other  person  to  whom  it  could  be  given  —  that  is, 
less  likely  to  stand  in  their  way  to  the  Presidency  —  I 
should  like,  said  Lowndes,  to  know  of  them  now  what  they 

7  William  Lowndes  of  South  Carolina. 


#* 


52  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

think  of  this  latter  proposition,  or  what  probability  it  had 
then.  He  was  not,  he  says,  strictly  speaking,  in  the  secrets 
of  the  parties ;  but  was  on  the  spot,  &  knew  enough  to  sat- 
isfy him,  beyond  a  doubt,  that  this  was  the  true  history  of 
Mr.  Adams '  appointment8  —  This  is  certainly  very  prob- 
able —  &  it  would  not  be  a  little  curious,  if  two  such  able 
politicians  as  Clay  &  Crawford,  should,  by  this  act,  have 
brought  forward  a  man  who  of  all  others  was  most  capable 
&  likely  to  outstrip  them  both  in  the  Presidential  race  — 
Mr.  Lowndes  said  he  sincerely  wished  that  the  next  Presi- 
dent, after  Monroe,  might  be  from  the  North;  that  we 
were  growing  uneasy  for  want  of  one;  &  that  it  was  good 
policy,  even  in  the  South,  to  comply  with  our  wishes.  This 
was  the  opinion  of  some  of  their  most  liberal  men ;  but  with 
the  majority,  it  was  objection  enough  to  any  man  that  he 
came  from  the  North.     .     .     . 

I  asked  Mr.  Lowndes  if  he  had  not  himself  had  offers 
of  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  —  He  said  he  had  —  &  that  in  Mr. 
Madison's  administration,  he  might  have  been  Secretary 

s  In  a  letter  of  February  23,  1817,  to  Jefferson,  Monroe  wrote  that  he 
believed  it  would  promote  harmony  in  political  circles  if  he  were  to  select 
his  secretary  of  state  from  the  North,  and  that  he  had  decided  upon 
Adams.  In  this  letter  he  did  not  mention  Crawford  or  Clay  for  the  posi- 
tion. James  Monroe,  Writings,  (S.  M.  Hamilton,  ed.),  VI,  2-4.  Monroe 
made  a  similar  statement  to  Andrew  Jackson.  Ibid.,  VI,  5.  However, 
Lowndes  is  reported  as  writing  in  his  note-book:  "I  remember  Forsyth's 
telling  me,  speaking  as  if  he  personally  knew  it,  that  Mr.  Monroe  would 
have  been  quite  willing  to  make  Crawford  Secretary  of  State  if  Clay  had 
been  willing.  The  difficulty  was  to  give  no  decided  advantage  to  either 
Clay  or  Crawford  as  competitors  for  the  Presidency.  The  expedient  em- 
ployed was  to  make  Adams  Secretary  of  State,  because,  as  Mr.  Monroe 
said,  'it  was  impossible  he  should  ever  be  President.'  I  confess  I  do  not 
see  exactly  the  impossibility."  Mrs.  St.  J.  Ravenel,  Life  and  Times  of 
William  Lowndes,  231.  See  also  Albert  Gallatin,  Writings  (Henry  Adams, 
ed.),  II,  14,  24-26,  where  Crawford  in  letters  of  October  9,  1816  and  March 
12,  1817  gives  Gallatin  his  version  of  the  selection  of  Monroe's  cabinet. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  53 

of  the  Treasury  (I  suppose  when  Gallatin  retired)  &  sub- 
sequently Secretary  of  War  —  &  that  he  was  offered  the 
latter  office  by  Mr.  Monroe  —  but  he  preferred  a  seat  in 
the  house.9    .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR. 
Dear  William  Epping  Nov.  15,  1820 

A  portion  of  New  England  is  looking  forward  to  the 
presidential  election  of  1824,  with  that  view,  as  I  learn 
from  a  communication  I  have  this  day  received,  some  of 
the  Electors  will  give  John  Q.  Adams  their  votes  to  be 
Vice  President.10  Their  object  in  this  is  not  to  defeat  the 
re-election  of  Tompkins,  but  to  evince  their  confidence  in 
Adams  &  prepare  the  public  mind  for  his  election  as  Pres- 
ident four  years  hence.  My  object  in  writing  you  now  is 
to  request  that  you  would  without  delay  visit  Mr.  Adams, 
&  in  confidence  ask  him  if  he  has  no  objection  to  this  pro- 
cedure. Write  me,  as  soon  as  may  be,  the  result  of  your 
visit.  Delay  will  be  injurious.  I  need  not  add  that  this 
is  confidential.     .     .     . 

9  Madison's  offer  to  Lowndes  of  the  post  of  secretary  of  war  is  men- 
tioned in  several  of  Madison's  letters.  See  James  Madison,  Letters  and 
other  Writings  (Congressional  ed.,  1865),  III,  25-26,  29,  30.  Monroe,  after 
offering  the  post  to  Clay,  who  declined,  decided  upon  Andrew  Jackson, 
but  be*ing  assured  that  Jackson  would  not  accept,  tendered  it  to  Governor 
Isaac  Shelby  of  Kentucky,  who  also  refused  it.  James  Monroe,  Writings, 
VI,  1-2,  4-6.  It  was  finally  accepted  by  Calhoun.  Crawford  in  a  letter  to 
Gallatin,  October  16,  1816,  stated  that  "the  President  writes  to  me  that 
he  has  offered  the  War  Department  to  Mr.  Lowndes".  Albert  Gallatin, 
Writings,  II,  14. 

io  Cf.    Daniel  Webster,  Letters  (Claude  H.  Van  Tyne,  ed.),  85. 

The  exchange  of  letters  between  the  two  Plumers  on  the  subject  of 
the  elder  Plumer's  electoral  vote  definitely  refutes  the  statement  by  McMas- 
ter  (History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  IV,  518),  and  other  writers, 
that  Plumer  cast  his  vote  for  Adams  in  order  that  no  man  should  share 


54  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Dear  father  Washington  November  24th  1820 

I  called  yesterday  after  the  House  adjourned  on  the 
Secretary  of  State  at  his  office.  After  informing  him  that 
you  were  chosen  one  of  the  Electors  of  President  &  Vice 
President  in  New  Hampshire,  I  handed  him  your  letter  to 
me  on  the  subject  of  voting  for  him  as  Vice-President.  He 
read  it  with  attention ;  &  then  said,  that  he  was  under  great 
obligations  to  you  for  the  very  friendly  manner  in  which 
you  had  acted  in  this  affair,  as  well  as  for  the  favourable 
sentiments  which  your  intended  vote  implied;  but  that  he 
earnestly  &  sincerely  desired  that  neither  you,  nor  any 
person,  would  give  him  a  single  vote  for  Vice  President 
at  the  present  election;  —  that  with  a  view  to  the  object 
mentioned  in  your  letter,  that  of  bringing  him  forward  as 
President  in  1824,  he  did  not  think  the  proposed  vote  now 
would  be  of  any  service  to  him  then,  but  might  injure  him ; 
that  Tompkins  might  calculate  on  the  votes  of  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  &  Virginia  for  Vice  President,  but  that  be- 
yond these  all  was  uncertain  —  that  he  stood  well  with 
Tompkins,  &  did  not  wish  to  withdraw  a  single  vote  from 
him,  especially  as  it  might  possibly  prevent  an  election. 
He  said  that  this  was  the  first  intimation  that  he  had  re- 
ceived of  a  design  to  vote  for  him  in  New  England,  & 
wished  you  would  use  your  influence  to  prevent  its  taking 
place.  It  is  apparent,  I  think,  though  he  did  not  say  so  in 
express  terms,  that  he  wishes  to  keep  New  York  on  his 

with  Washington  the  honor  of  a  unanimous  election  to  the  presidency. 
See  Charles  O.  Paullin,  "The  Electoral  Vote  for  John  Quincy  Adams  in 
1820",  American  Historical  Review,  XXI,  318-319;  William  Plumer,  Mem- 
orandum of  Proceedings  in  the  United  States  Senate,  1803-1807  (Everett 
S.  Brown,  ed.),  p.  VII. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  55 

side  by  the  aid  of  Tompkins,  or  at  least  to  employ  him 
against  Clinton,  with  whom,  as  a  rival  for  the  Presidency, 
he  must,  of  course,  have  to  contend.  It  is  therefore  his 
interest  to  be  on  good  terms  with  Tompkins,  which  he 
could  not  well  do,  if  he  were  to  attempt  to  get  his  office 
from  him.  Everything  relating  to  himself,  as  a  candidate 
for  the  office  of  President  after  Monroe,  was  rather  implied 
than  expressed ;  but  the  whole  conversation  proceeded  upon 
the  supposition  of  his  being  a  candidate  for  that  office. 

On  this  latter  subject,  I  had  much  conversation  with  Mr. 
Adams  —  He  said  that  the  question  of  Slavery  in  the  new 
states  —  a  President  from  the  slave  or  the  free  states,  — 
would,  in  his  opinion,  be  the  great  rallying  point  at  the  next 
election,  &,  of  course  render  it  a  struggle  between  the  north 
&  the  south;  that  the  first  object  of  each  party  would  be 
to  unite  upon  some  one  man  among  themselves ;  that  at  the 
south  this  man  must,  from  present  appearances,  be  either 
Crawford,  or  Clay;  &  that  at  the  North  they  would  be  di- 
vided between  Clinton,  King,  Tompkins,  &  (I  added)  him- 
self —  &  in  my  opinion,  said  he,  it  will  be  no  easy  matter 
for  either  party  to  agree  among  themselves  as  to  who 
their  man  shall  be.  He  seemed  on  the  whole  to  think,  that 
there  would  be  no  choice  by  the  Electors;  &  that  it  must 
finally  come  to  the  House  of  Representatives  to  decide  the 
momentous  question. 

We  afterwards  talked  more  at  large  as  to  the  probable 
success  of  the  several  candidates.  He  thought  that  Mr. 
Clay,  though  he  had  a  strong  party  against  him  now  in 
his  own  state,  would  finally  unite  the  Western  People  in 
his  favour  —  he  was  evidently  their  first  man,  &  if  he  could 
not  be  made  President  there  was  nobody  in  that  quarter 
that  could  —  they  must  therefore  unite  for  him  or  abandon 


56  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

for  the  present  the  idea  of  giving  a  President  to  the  Union. 
He  said  that  Clay  had  acted  injudiciously  in  attempting, 
last  winter,  to  get  himself  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent—  it  disclosed  his  designs  too  soon;  before  the  West 
was  prepared  to  support  him  with  zeal  or  unanimity;  & 
alienated  from  him  the  friends  of  Crawford  in  the  South. 
On  the  whole,  he  considered  it  certain  that  Clay  would  not 
be  President,  if  at  all,  next  after  Monroe.  He  thought  how- 
ever that  he  had  many  more  partizans  in  Congress  than 
appeared  in  the  Caucus  last  winter,11  particularly  among 
the  New  York  members. 

With  respect  to  Crawford  he  said  that  he  had  a  service 
contest  to  sustain  in  his  own  state ;  &  it  had  been  there  so 
far  decided  against  him  that  his  rival  Gen.  Clark12  had  been 
chosen  governor  of  Georgia.  The  influence  of  Gen.  Jack- 
son was  great  in  Georgia  &  Tennessee,  &  he  &  all  his  friends 
were  warm  against  Crawford  —  the  charges  of  Clark 
touched  the  personal  character  of  Crawford;  &  his  quarrel 
was  in  that  respect  worse  than  even  Clinton's  in  New 
York  —  Clinton  was  called  ambitious  —  this  might  be  true, 
&  yet  be  no  crime  —  the  means  which  he  employed  to  ad- 
vance himself  were  of  a  public  nature,  &  though  sometimes, 
no  doubt,  improper,  they  did  not,  as  in  Crawford's  case, 
touch  his  honor  as  a  gentleman,  or  his  integrity  as  a  man  — 
He  was  indeed  an  intriguer  of  the  first  water  —  Craw- 
ford has  left  no  stone  unturned  to  effect  his  object  —  He 
intrigues  with  members  —  That,  said  Mr.  Adams,  is  what 
I  never  have  done,  &  never  will  do.  All  his  appointments, 
such  as  land  officers,  receivers  of  the  Public  money,  Col- 
li See  Plumer's  letter  to  Salma  Hale,  April  5,  1820,  above. 
12  John  Clarke  was  elected  governor  in  1819  and  again  in  1821.  The 
political  rivalry  between  the  Crawford  and  Clarke  factions  is  well  related 
in  U.  B.  Phillips,  Georgia  and  State  Rights,  95-112. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  57 

lectors,  &c.  are  made  with  a  direct  view  to  this  object.  He 
has  sent  into  all  the  new  states  &  territories  his  partizans, 
men  uniformly  from  the  south,  friends  of  slavery,  &  of 
southern  domination.  Two  laws  were  passed,  last  session, 
said  Mr.  Adams,  both  coming  from  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, both  good  in  themselves,  but  intended  to  operate  di- 
rectly to  advance  the  election  of  Mr.  Crawford;  —  by  the 
first,  (of  May  15,  1820,)  the  offices  of  all  District  Attornies, 
Collectors  of  the  Customs,  Naval  Officers,  Surveyors  of  the 
Customs,  Navy  Agents,  Eeceivers  of  Public  Monies,  Land 
Officers,  Pay  masters,  &c.  were  made  to  expire  once  in  four 
years13  —  Now  it  so  happens  that  nearly  all  these  officers 
are  appointed  through  the  Treasury  Department,  &  are,  in 
effect,  made  by  the  Secretary.  Here  then  is  a  host  of  of- 
ficers who  hold  their  continuance  in  office,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, to  Crawford,  &  who,  four  years  hence,  just  when 
he  wants  their  aid  the  most,  will  be  all  out  of  offices  again, 
&  must  look  to  him  for  a  renewal  of  their  commissions.14 
The  other  law,  also  May  15th  (observe,  both  these  acts 
passed  the  last  day  of  the  session)  gives  to  the  Treasury 
a  summary  process,  by  Warrant  &  Distress,  without  a  suit 
at  law,  against  all  persons  indebted  to  the  public,  such  as 
collectors,  receivers  of  money  &c. ;  but  it  adds,  that  the 
Secretary  may,  in  all  cases,  "postpone,  for  a  reasonable 
time,  the  institution  of  the  proceedings  required  by  this 
act,  where,  in  his  opinion,  the  public  interest  will  sustain 
no  injury  by  such  postponement"15  —  in  other  words,  he 
is  armed  with  full  powers,  to  be  exercised  without  control, 
against  any  agent  who  may  become  obnoxious  to  him,  & 

is  See  U.  S.,  Statutes  at  Large,  III,  582. 

14  On  this  point,  compare  Carl  R.  Fish,  Civil  Service  and  Patronage, 
66  ff. 

is  See  U.  S.,  Statutes  at  Large,  III,  592. 


58  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

at  the  same  time  authorized  to  spare  a  delinquent,  who 
may  be  devoted  to  his  service.  Few  members  of  congress 
saw  the  true  design  of  these  laws,  said  Mr.  Adams,  but  you 
will  all  see  what  use  will  be  made  of  them.  He  said,  these 
intrigues  of  Crawford  were  known,  his  measures  watched, 
&  that  in  due  season  the  public  would  be  informed  of  them. 
Adams  means,  I  have  no  doubt,  through  some  friend,  to 
expose  Crawford's  manoeuvres,  some  time  between  this 
&  1824 ;  &  he  calculates  with  some  confidence  in  the  reaction 
which  will  be  produced  by  this  exposure.  The  general  con- 
clusion respecting  Crawford  seemed  to  be,  that  he  would 
not  be  able,  even  if  they  &  his  friends  gave  up  to  him,  to 
unite  all  the  south  in  his  favour  — ;  that  Georgia  &  Tenn- 
essee would  probably  be  against  him,  &  South  Carolina  in- 
clined to  vote  for  a  northern  man,  agreeable  to  the  sug- 
gestion of  Lowndes  to  me,  mentioned  in  a  former  letter  — 
that  Jackson  might  perhaps  carry  with  him  Louisiana,  & 
perhaps  Mississippi  &  Alabama  —  but  all  this  would  de- 
pend upon  the  state  of  feeling  respecting  the  Slavery  Ques- 
tion, —  which,  while  it  served  to  unite  us  at  the  North, 
operated,  with  perhaps  equal  effect,  against  us  at  the 
South.  He  thought  this  subject  would  continue  to  engage 
the  public  attention;  that  it  would  continue  to  fester  & 
rankle  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  till,  owing  to  this,  & 
other  causes,  it  would,  at  the  next  election  be,  not  so  much 
a  question  of  the  personal  merits  of  the  candidates,  as  of 
north  &  south,  free  &  slave  states  —  this  was  a  di- 
vision not  to  be  desired;  but,  at  the  same  time,  not  to  be 
avoided;  &  perhaps  necessary,  in  the  first  instance,  to  re- 
store to  the  northern  states  their  due  weight  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  Union. 

He  said  there  was  a  great  struggle  going  on  in  Ohio, 
Indiana,  &  Illinois,  the  object  of  which  was  to  see  whether 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  59 

the  Southern  or  Northern  Interest  should  prevail  in  those 
States.  The  Northern  interest  might  be  considered  as 
pretty  well  fixed  in  Ohio.  In  Illinois,  an  attempt  was  made, 
having  its  origin  in  this  place,  to  turn  out  "poor  little 
Cook",16  &  send  a  southern  man  &  a  friend  of  Slavery,  to 
Congress  in  his  place  —  but  it  had  entirely  failed  —  Cook 
was  re-elected  by  a  very  great  majority. 

With  respect  to  Clinton,  he  thought  he  would,  at  any 
rate,  obtain  many  votes  if  he  held  his  ground  in  New  York, 
all  in  that  state,  &  probably  many  more  —  He  has  many 
friends  in  Pennsylvania,  &  in  Ohio;  &  has  taken  much 
pains  to  make  Jackson  &  his  friends  favourable  to  him  — 
You  no  doubt  remember  the  toast  in  favour  of  Clinton 
which  Jackson  gave,  before  his  enemies  the  Tammany 
Society,  when  he  visited  New  York,  two  or  three  years 
since.17  Gen.  Brown18  is  also  a  Clintonian  —  Clinton  is  a 
great  intriguer,  &  will  not  fail  to  set  every  engine  in  mo- 
tion which  can  aid  his  purpose  —  Mr.  Adams  seemed  how- 
ever to  think  it  not  improbable  that  Tompkins  would  be 
governor  of  New  York  at  the  next  election,  &  Clinton  of 
course  put  down  —  But  I  confess,  I  think  this  not  very 
probable  — 

Of  his  own  prospects  of  success,  Mr.  Adams  said  noth- 
ing direct  or  positive  —  He  spoke  of  King  &  Tompkins  as 
likely  to  be  candidates  at  the  North  —  but  the  former  is,  I 
think,  too  old;  &  the  latter  is  obviously  out  of  the  ques- 
tion; so  that  the  choice,  with  us,  seems  clearly  to  lie  be- 
tween Adams  &  Clinton ;  &  he  seemed  in  fact  so  to  consider 

is  Daniel  P.  Cook. 

17  This  episode  occurred  during  Jackson's  tour  of  the  North  early  in 
1819.  Full  details  are  given  in  James  Parton,  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
II,  561  ff.;  see  also,  John  S.  Bassett,  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  I,  287. 

is  Jacob  Brown,  hero  of  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane  and  other  engage- 
ments of  the  War  of  1812. 


60  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

it  —  From  the  whole  tenure  of  the  conversation,  I  infer 
that  he  &  Crawford  are  not  merely  rivals,  but,  as  the  say- 
ing is,  at  swords  points  already  —  It  must,  of  course,  be 
much  worse  two  or  three  years  hence.  I  did  not  enquire 
how  the  President  stood  affected  in  these  contests;  but 
I  am  greatly  mistaken  if  he  does  not  find  it  difficult  to 
govern  his  cabinet  in  peace  much  longer19  — 

The  conversation,  of  which  I  have  endeavored  to  give 
you  the  substance,  lasted  about  an  hour  &  a  half  —  I  have 
been  able  to  touch  only  on  the  leading  points  —  I  said  little 
myself,  only  enough  to  excite  Mr.  Adams  to  converse  free- 
ly. It  was  evident  that  he  had  thought  much  on  the  sub- 
ject; &  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  his  candour  &  sincerity 
in  what  he  said  —  It  was  evidently  of  a  confidential  nature ; 
though  he  said  nothing  of  keeping  it  secret,  it  would  be 
improper  that  such  views  &  details  should  be  made  pub- 
lic.20 I  make  it  a  point,  while  here,  to  get,  as  much  as  pos- 
sible, into  the  best  company;  to  turn  the  conversation, 
when  alone  with  leading  men,  upon  subjects  of  an  important 
nature;  &  to  obtain  from  them,  where  I  can,  their  real 
opinions  &  views  respecting  events,  past,  present,  &  to 
come.  These  I  communicate,  as  I  have  leisure,  freely  to 
you  —  In  return,  I  ask  your  sentiments  &  advice  on  all 
important  measures  as  they  may  occur. 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMES 

Dear  father,  Washington  November  25th  1820 

Least  you  should  not  receive  my  last  two  letters  in  sea- 
son, I  write  this,  directed  to  you  at  Concord,  merely  to  say, 

is  For  the  strained  relations  which  existed  between  Monroe  and  Craw- 
ford, see  F.  J.  Turner,  Rise  of  the  New  West,  196-198. 
20  cf.    J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  V,  205-206. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  61 

that  Mr. [Adams]  desires  that  not  a  single  vote  may- 
be given  him  as  Vice  President  at  the  approaching  elec- 
tion—  This  is  his  sincere  wish;  &  he  hopes  that  nothing 
like  what  you  suggest  will  any  where  take  place  — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father  Washington  November  27th  1820 

I  have  already  indulged  so  much  in  speculations  re- 
specting a  future  President  of  the  United  States,  that  I 
am  tempted  to  give  you  one  more  on  this  head.  In  con- 
versation on  this  subject  with  Gen.  Cocke21  of  Tennessee, 
son  of  the  Senator  of  that  name,  whom  you  probably  rec- 
ollect, he  told  me  that  the  Southern  &  Western  People 
were  convinced  that  the  next  President  must  come  from 
the  North  —  that  we  were  too  strong  for  them  —  but  they 
knew  how  to  work  us  —  that  we  should  be  divided,  &  they 
would  choose  between  our  candidates  —  if  these  candidates 
were  Adams  &  Clinton,  they  should  choose  Clinton,  as  being 
the  man  whom  they  could  best  manage  —  that  they  were 
afraid  of  Adams,  &  could  make  no  bargain  with  him  — 
but  that  Clinton,  owing  his  election  to  them,  would  be  their 
man,  dependent  on  them,  &  therefore  compelled  to  act  as 
they  should  direct  —  From  the  character  which  Clinton 
generally  bears,  they  think  that  he  has  his  price  &  may  be 
bought  —  This  may  be  true  to  a  certain  extent ;  but  I  do 
not  think  they  would  find  him  very  subservient  to  their 
views,  if  once  fairly  seated  in  the  chair  —  ... 

2i  John  Cocke  served  under  Jackson  at  New  Orleans.  He  was  later 
a  member  of  congress  from  1819  to  1827.  His  father,  William  Cocke,  was 
a  fellow  member  of  the  senate  with  William  Plumer,  Sr. 


62  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR. 

Concord  Dec.  6,  1820 
Dear  William 

I  received  your  letter  directed  to  me  at  this  place  upon 
the  subject  of  Mr.  A  [dams]  wishes. 

The  Electors  met  yesterday,  today  gave  7  votes  for  Mr. 
Monroe  to  be  president  1  to  Mr.  Adams,  7  to  Mr.  Tompkins 
&  one  to  Mr.  Rush  to  be  Vice  President.  You  will  be  at 
no  loss  to  know  who  voted  for  Adams  &  Rush,  or  the  con- 
sideration on  which  those  votes  were  given  —  they  were 
the  result  of  mature  consideration.22 .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Dear  father  Washington  January  27th  1821 

Speaking  of  the  President,  Mr.  Randolph  said,  the  other 
day,  in  debate,  that  his  popularity  was  more  apparent  than 
real  —  The  public  mind,  said  he,  is  torpid ;  &  the  uanimity, 
about  which  we  hear  so  much,  is  the  unanimity  of  indif- 
ference, &  not  of  approbation  —  There  is,  I  think,  great 
force  &  truth  in  this  remark  —  &  the  very  President  who 
is  just  re-elected,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice  through- 
out the  Union,  is  not  only  the  least  deserving  of  all  our 
Presidents,  but  has  actually,  at  this  moment,  fewer  real 
friends  &  admirers,  &  less  influence,  than  any  of  his  pre- 
decessors ever  had.  This  seems  a  paradox,  but  it  is  strictly 
true  —  &  I  have  no  doubt  that,  in  less  than  four  years,  your 
vote  will  be  thought  no  slight  proof  [of]  wisdom  &  firmness, 

22  Adams  expressed  "surprise  and  mortification"  at  Plumer's  vote. 
Memoirs,  V,  279.  Nevertheless,  he  was  carefully  weighing  the  qualifica- 
tions of  his  rivals  and  suspecting  their  political  activities.  Ibid.,  V,  297- 
300,  325-326,  327. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  63 

by  many  who  now  regard  it  is  strange  &  unaccountable  — 
We  have  lately  given  a  pretty  strong  proof  of  the  little 
influence  possessed,  by  the  Administration,  over  the  House 
of  Kepresentatives,  by  the  passage  of  the  Army  bill23  — 
The  Secretary  of  War  &  all  his  friends,  in  &  out  of  doors, 
opposed  it  by  every  expedient  in  their  power  —  The  Pres- 
ident was  known  to  be  against  it  —  &  probably  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  —  but  it  was  carried,  notwithstanding 
many  defects  in  the  details  of  the  bill,  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  —  A  similar  proof  was  given  last  year  in  the  re- 
fusal of  the  House  to  proceed  with  the  Yellow  Stone  Ex- 
pedition,24 after  the  President  had  informed  us  that  it 
was  a  subject  of  very  great  importance,  in  which  he  took 
a  particular  interest,  &  was  willing  to  incur  great  respon- 
sibilities to  secure  its  success.  The  Secretary  of  War25 
also  considered  this  as  a  favourite  project,  &  took  much 
pains  to  advance  it  —  but  without  success  —  He  is  not  I 
think  very  popular  in  the  House,  though  considered  as  a 
man  of  superior  talents  —  I  have  seen  him  several  times 
this  winter,  &  become  some  acquainted  with  him  —  He  pos- 
sesses great  affibility  &  sprightliness  in  conversation  —  He 
is  attentive  &  laborious  in  business,  &  seems  to  devote  him- 
self with  ardour  &  fidelity  to  the  duties  of  his  station  — 
He  is  certainly  a  man  of  great  talents  —  &  in  this  respect 

23  After  days  of  debate  the  house  on  January  23,  1821,  passed  a  bill 
for  the  reduction  of  the  army  by  a  vote  of  109  to  48.  Annals  of  Congress, 
16  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  936-937. 

2*  See  Hiram  Martin  Chittenden,  American  Fur  Trade  of  the  Far 
West,  II,  562-587;  Edwin  James,  Account  of  an  Expedition  from  Pitts- 
burgh to  the  Rocky  Mountains  .  .  .  under  the  Command  of  Maj.  8.  H. 
Long,  Early  Western  Travels  (Reuben  Gold  Thwaites,  ed.),  XIV-XVII. 

25  John  C.  Calhoun.  An  excellent  summary  of  Calhoun's  plan  for  the 
reorganization  of  the  army  is  that  by  Emory  Upton  in  his  Military  Policy 
of  the  United  States,  149  ff. 


64  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

much  superior  to  Mr.  Crawford  —  He  is  undoubtedly  an 
ambitious  man  —  &  by  some  is  considered  as  looking  to 
the  Presidency  even  at  the  next  election  —  But  I  hardly 
think  this  probable,  as  he  is  still  a  young  man,  &  so  many 
are  visibly  before  him  in  the  race  — 

Mr.  Crawford  suffers  very  much  in  public  estimation 
from  the  obscurity,  the  mistakes,  &  the  ignorance  which 
mark  his  reports  at  the  present  session  on  the  state  of  our 
finances  —  For  my  own  part,  I  have  never  seen  in  him,  at 
any  time,  the  unequivocal  proofs  of  a  great  mind ;  &  there 
is  now  something  more  than  this  negative  testimony  against 
him  —  Adams  &  Calhoun  are  undoubtedly  the  ablest  men 
in  the  cabinet  —  What  Adams  wants,  is  acquaintance  with 
the  temper  &  disposition  of  those  around  him,  manners 
more  accommodating,  &  a  readiness  to  yield  small  points, 
that  he  may  carry  great  ones  —  Calhoun's  defect  is  the 
want  of  judgment  &  moderation  —  His  schemes  are  too 
grand  &  magnificent,  &  he  labours  too  much  for  show  & 
effect  —  If  we  had  a  revenue  of  a  hundred  millions,  he 
would  be  at  no  loss  how  to  spend  it.  At  the  same  time  I 
do  not  know  that  he  is  wasteful  or  extravagant  —  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  the  boast  of  his  friends  that  the  Army  never 
cost  so  little  as  it  now  does  under  his  administration  — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Dear  father  Washington  December  3d  1821 

We  have  ballotted  seven  times  for  Speaker  without  mak- 
ing any  choice  —  The  prominent  candidates  are  Taylor  & 
Rodney26  —  The  contest  is  not  precisely  what  it  was  last 

26  Caesar  A.  Rodney  of  Delaware.     For  a  record  of  the  balloting,  see 
Annals  of  Congress,  17  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  I,  514-515. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  65 

year  —  It  then  turned  wholly  upon  the  Missouri  question  — 
The  same  feeling  prevails  to  a  certain  extent  now;  but 
other  considerations  mix  with  the  old  controversy,  &  give 
it  a  different  aspect.  The  general  merits  of  Taylor  are 
acknowledged  on  all  sides  —  the  opposition  of  the  South  is 
considerably  abated;  but  in  the  meantime,  a  majority  of 
the  members  from  his  own  state  vote  against  him  upon  the 
ground  that  he  is  a  Clintonian  —  many  in  Pennsylvania 
do  the  same  from  similar  motives  —  &  the  whole  of  Con- 
necticut is  against  him,  partly  from  the  same,  &  partly  from 
other  considerations  —  one  of  these  is  a  wish  to  make  Mr. 
Tomlinson,27  a  member  from  that  state,  Speaker;  but  a 
more  powerful  reason  is  that  Taylor  is  said  to  be  opposed 
to  Adams  as  President  —  I  have  seen  Taylor  this  evening, 
&  he  denies  the  charges,  &  says  that  Adams  expressed  a 
wish  that  he  should  be  elected  in  preference  to  Rodney28  — 

While  Taylor  has  thus  been  losing  friends  in  the  North 
he  has  gained  some  in  the  South  &  West  —  With  many  the 
part  he  took  respecting  Missouri  is  no  longer  considered 
an  objection  —  But  the  principal  gain  in  that  quarter  arises 
from  his  being  considered  as  favourable  to  what  was  last 
session  called  the  Eadical  party,  or  in  other  words  to  a 
reduction  of  the  expenditures  of  the  Government  wherever 
they  can  be  safely  diminished  —  On  this  ground  he  is  sup- 
ported by  Gen.  Cocke  &  other  thorough  Radicals,  who  were 
last  year  among  his  most  bitter  enemies  — 

Lowndes  is  absent,  no  doubt  with  a  view  to  avoid  being 
a  candidate  —  Those  who  were  opposed  to  Taylor  divided 

27  Gideon  Tomlinson. 

28  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  V,  437-440,  where  Adams  reports  that  he 
called  on  Taylor  and  assured  him  that  he  preferred  him  to  Rodney.  Tay- 
lor, in  turn,  told  of  his  political  difficulties  in  New  York. 


66  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

their  votes  between  Rodney  &  McLaine29  of  Delaware,  & 
Smith30  of  Maryland  —  McLaine  they  have  nearly  aban- 
doned —  Rodney  they  supported  merely  because  they  can- 
not agree  upon  anybody  else  —  It  is  twenty  years  since  he 
was  in  Congress31  —  he  has  no  acquaintance  with  the  duties 
of  the  Chair;  &  he  is  said  to  be  a  man  of  no  industry, 
method,  or  application  to  business  —  &  on  the  Missouri 
question  he  was  as  Zealous,  though  not  so  prominent  as 
Taylor;  so  that  he  has  no  peculiar  claims  on  the  South  or 
West  —  It  is  thought  by  many  that  they  will  drop  him  in 
the  morning,  &  take  up  Smith,  who  had  26  votes  at  the  last 
ballot  —  If  they  do  not,  &  Taylor's  friends  stand  by  him, 
enough  of  Rodney's  will  join  them  to  secure  the  election 
of  the  former  at  the  second  or  third  trial  —  He  has  been 
gradually  gaining  from  60  to  77  votes  at  the  last  trial. 
He  wanted  only  seven  votes  more  to  be  chosen  —  This  pro- 
tracted contest  will  bring  some  scandal  upon  the  House, 
&  is  therefore  to  be  regretted ;  but  I  do  not  see  how  it  could 
have  been  avoided,  unless  we  had  surrendered  at  once  to 
a  man  totally  unknown  to  the  House,  &  who  had  no  pe- 
culiar claims  to  our  support.     .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  4th  1821 
Dear  father, 

The  opponents  of  Mr.   Taylor  finding  that  Rodney  & 
Smith  could  not  succeed  against  him,  dropped  them  both, 

29  Louis  McLane. 

30  Samuel  Smith. 

31  Rodney  was  a  member  of  the  Eighth  Congress  (1803-1805).  He 
served  as  attorney  general  under  Jefferson  and  Madison  (1807-1811),  and 
was  one  of  the  commissioners  sent  to  South  America  by  President  Monroe 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  67 

&  took  up  Mr.  Barbour32  of  Virginia ;  &  after  several  trials 
succeeded  in  electing  him  by  a  majority  of  two  votes  — 
So  that  the  Speaker's  chair  is  at  last  filled,  &  by  a  mem- 
ber from  Virginia33  —  Barbour  will,  I  think,  make  a  pretty 
good  Speaker  —  but  I  am  very  sorry  on  many  accounts 
that  Taylor  was  not  elected  —  But  a  dead  set  had  been 
made  against  him,  &  unwearied  pains  taken  in  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  &  Connecticut  to  defeat  his  election  —  This 
was  done,  so  far  as  southern  influence  prevailed,  with  a 
view  to  put  down  any  &  every  man  who  took  part  in  the 
Missouri  question,  or  who  possesses  weight  of  character  in 
the  northern  states  —  Barbour  goes  all  lengths  in  these 
feelings,  &  is  wholly  absorbed  in  reflections  on  the  rights, 
&  the  influence,  the  authority  &  preeminence  of  Virginia  — 
In  other  respects,  in  the  ordinary  rotine  of  office,  I  think 
he  will  make  a  good  Speaker  —  Which  would  not  have 
been  the  case  with  Smith  or  Rodney.   .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  11th  1821 
Dear  father, 

Mr.  Crawford  was  in  to  see  us  the  other  evening  —  He 
gave  many  indications,  in  the  course  of  conversation,  in- 
to investigate  and  report  on  the  propriety  of  recognizing  the  independence 
of  the  Spanish-American  republics.  He  was  later  elected  to  the  United 
States  senate  but  resigned  in  January,  1823,  having  been  appointed 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  Buenos  Aires.    He  died  there  in  1824. 

32  Philip  P.  Barbour. 

33  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  V,  451;  Annals  of  Congress,  17  Cong.,  1 
Sess.,  I,  515-516,  A  full  account  of  the  proceedings  in  the  house  on  Decem- 
ber 3  and  December  4  is  printed  in  Niles'  Register,  XXI,  233-235.  Editorial 
comment  on  the  motives  underlying  the  election  of  speaker  is  given  in 
Md.,  XXI,  242-243. 


68  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

cidentally,  but  plainly  enough,  of  his  ill  will  towards  the 
head  of  the  War  Department  —  It  appears  from  his  state- 
ment that  many  officers  of  the  army  are  dissatisfied  with 
the  organization  and  selection  made  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  under  the  act  of  the  last  session34  —  that  several  of 
these  officers  had  been  to  Crawford  with  their  complaints, 
&  that  he  takes  sides  with  them  —  He  said  nothing  indeed 
very  unfriendly  to  Calhoun,  but  many  which  a  real  friend 
would  not  have  uttered  —  These  views  were  drawn  out  of 
him  principally  by  Gen.  Cocke,  who  is  well  known  to  be 
hostile  to  Calhoun,  &  Crawford  was  thus  led  to  say,  not 
more  than  he  thought  or  felt,  but  more  than  he  would  oth- 
erwise have  disclosed  —  This  opposition  of  views  between 
the  two  Southern  Secretaries  does  not  look  much  like 
Crawford's  being  President  —  Every  thing  here  is  unfor- 
tunately made  to  lend  to  the  next  Presidential  election;  & 
the  choice  of  Barbour  is  openly  spoken  of  as  favouring  the 
views  of  Crawford  —  ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father  Washington  December  17th  1821 

The  subject  of  the  next  President  begins  already  to  be 
discussed  —  &  the  partizans  of  Crawford  are  said  to  be 
very  busy  in  making  him  friends  in  Congress  —  Every 
thing  will  be  made  for  the  next  two  years  to  bear  on  this 
great  object  —  Such  is  the  misfortune  of  our  government, 
that  the  question  who  shall  be  our  next  President,?  sets 
aside,  in  innumerable  cases,  the  enquiry  of  what  is  just, 
what  is  honorable,  what  is  for  the  public  good?   .   .   . 

s*  Act  of  March  2,  1821.    U.  S.,  Statutes  at  Large,  III,  615-616. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  69 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father  Washington  December  28th  1821 

The  failure  of  Taylor's  election  as  Speaker  was  to  be 
imputed  wholly  to  the  angry  feelings  engendered  in  the 
political  contests  of  New  York;  but  I  do  not  think  these 
feelings  are  likely  to  be  enlisted  in  opposition  to  Mr. 
Adams  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  —  the  Bucktails 
are,  I  think,  in  general  friendly  to  him  —  &  the  Clintonians 
when  they  find  their  favourite  fairly  down,  as  I  think  he 
now  is,  will  prefer  Adams  to  any  other  man  —  Still  how- 
ever our  great  danger  is  from  division  —  ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father  Washington  December  30th  1821 

The  question  as  to  the  next  President  seems  to  be  agi- 
tated in  various  newspapers  &  in  different  parts  of  the 
country  with  much  zeal.  I  am  told  that  the  members  of  the 
legislature  of  South  Carolina  lately  met  in  caucus  &  voted, 
57  to  54,  to  support  William  Lowndes  of  our  House  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency35  —  the  54  voters  threw 
blanks,  the  object  being  merely  to  see  whether  Lowndes 
should  be  set  up  or  not  —  This  fact  indicates  a  division 
at  the  South ;  &  shows,  what  is  proved  by  many  other  facts, 
that  Crawford  is  by  no  means  popular  in  that  part  of  the 
country.  Is  it  not  equally  true  that  Adams  is  unpopular 
with  many  at  the  North  1  —  Maine,  under  the  guidance  of 

35  See  Mrs.  St.  J.  Ravenel,  Life  and  Times  of  William  Lowndes,  223- 
229;  T.  D.  Jervey,  Robert  Y.  Hayne  and  His  Times,  125-128. 


70  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

King  &  Holmes36,  will,  I  fear,  go  in  favour  of  some  south- 
ern man  —  &  the  same  feeling  prevails  to  a  certain  extent 
in  Massachusetts  —  Holmes  King,  &  their  party  in  Maine 
are  probably  against  him  —  Among  the  Massachusetts 
members  who  are  here  Eussell37  is  understood  to  bear  him 
no  good  will  &  he  is  a  man  of  some  weight.  But  New  York 
&  Pennsylvania  are  the  two  great  states  that  must  settle 
this  point  after  all  —  The  Bucktails  are  generally  consid- 
ered as  favourable  to  Adams ;  but  I  have  no  great  opinion 
of  the  political  integrity  of  some  of  their  leaders  —  I  be- 
lieve them  to  be  in  the  market,  at  the  command  of  the  high- 
est bidder,  attached  to  no  individual,  but  ready  to  join  the 
strongest  party  — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  3d  1822 
Dear  father, 

Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  heard  more  in  the  sub- 
ject to  which  it  relates  than  I  have  time  at  present  to  com- 
municate. Mr.  Calhoun,  Secretary  of  War,  has  been  lately 
waited  upon  by  certain  members  of  Congress  from  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  York,  &  requested  to  be  considered  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  —  to  which  it,  is  said,  he  con- 

36  Senator  John  Holmes  of  Maine.  If  Plumer  is  here  referring  to 
Senator  Rufus  King  of  New  York,  who  was  born  in  Maine  (then  part  of 
Massachusetts),  he  is  in  error.  King  did  not  regard  Adams  as  a  strong 
candidate,  but  Adams  was  the  only  northern  candidate  and  King  preferred 
him  to  the  "black  Candidates".  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus  King, 
(C.  R.  King,  ed.),  VI,  507-508.  See  also  Martin  Van  Buren,  Autobiography, 
American  Historical  Association,  Annual  Report,  1918,  II,  131-132,  140. 

3T  Jonathan  Russell,  minister  to  Norway  and  Sweden,  1814-1818,  and 
commissioner  to  negotiate  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain  at  Ghent 
in  1814;  elected  a  representative  to  the  Seventeenth  Congress. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  71 

sented38 — this,  of  course,  created  great  surprise,  &  some 
alarm  among  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams,  to  whose  election 
he  had  heretofore  been  considered,  by  the  best  informed, 
as  favourable  —  Nothing  has  been  said  or  thought  of,  for 
some  days  past,  but  the  Presidential  election,  &  almost 
everybody  has  been  sounded  on  the  subject  —  Being  at  the 
War  Office  today,  I  took  advantage  of  some  enquiries  of 
Mr.  Calhoun,  to  introduce  the  subject  of  his  being  a  Can- 
didate, &  had  with  him  a  very  long,  &  apparently  free  con- 
versation in  this  interesting  topic  —  He  began  with  stating 
that  he  had  been  for  years  in  favour  of  giving  to  the  North 
the  next  President,  leaving  us  to  select  him;  that  his  own 
wishes  had  always  been  in  favour  of  Mr.  Adams,  on  whom 
he  pronounced  a  very  warm  eulogium  as  a  man  of  talents, 
of  integrity,  &  correct  political  opinions  —  that  his  oppo- 
nent, Crawford,  was  the  reverse  of  all  this,  a  man  whose 
course  he  could  not  approve,  &  with  whom  he  could  not 
act  —  that  there  were  many  at  the  south  who  thought  with 
him  on  all  these  points,  &  were  ready  to  support  Mr. 
Adams,  if  he  could  be  supported  with  the  United  force  of 
the  north  —  but  that  without  this  support  from  us,  his  case 
was  hopeless  —  that  it  began  to  be  believed  in  the  south 
that  Mr.  Adams  was  rather  unpopular  in  New  England, 
&  would  be  deserted  by  New  York  &  Pennsylvania  — 
that  in  consequence  of  this  Crawford  was  gaining  strength 
in  the  middle  states,  &  would  certainly  secure  a  majority 
throughout  the  Union,  if  some  more  popular  man  could 
not  be  nominated,  to  prevent  these  deserters  from  the 
north  falling  into  the  scale  of  the  Treasury  candidate  — 
that  with  these  views,  Lowndes  had  been  nominated,  by 
about  one  third  of  the  South  Carolina  state  legislature  — 

38  See  William  M.  Meigs,  Life  of  Calhoun,  I,  290-291. 


72  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

that  the  vote  would  have  been  in  his  favour,  but  he  was 
considered  as  too  strongly  attached  to  Mr.  Adams  to  run 
against  him  —  that  he  &  Lowndes  were  friends,  &  had  had 
an  explaination  on  the  subject  (what  this  explaination  was 
he  did  not  say)39  that  the  nomination  had  taken  place  pre- 
maturely &  without  Lowndes'  knowledge  —  that  this  state 
of  things  placed  him  in  a  new  &  awkward  situation,  —  that 
it  had  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs  —  that  since  the 
meeting  of  Congress  he  had  been  called  upon  to  know  what 
course  he  would  pursue  —  the  remarks  which  followed,  & 
which  related  to  what  would  be  his  future  conduct  in  this 
affair,  I  am  not  certain  that  I  can  correctly  state,  or  that 
I  clearly  understood  them  —  the  impression  however  on  my 
mind,  at  the  time,  was  that,  if  he  was  a  candidate,  it  was 
rather  against  Crawford  than  Adams,  &  with  a  view  to 
prevent  the  election  of  the  former,  if  the  latter  was  not 
likely  to  succeed  —  It  was  easy  however  to  see  that  the 
thought  of  being  President,  had  taken  full  possession  of 
his  mind,  &  the  question  with  him  was  whether  at  the  next 
or  the  following  election  —  He  dwelt  with  evident  com- 
placency on  the  objections  which  were  made  to  Adams, 
such  as  the  odium  connected  with  his  father's  administra- 
tion, his  having  formerly  been  a  Federalist,  &  his  supposed 
approbation  of  the  proposed  restriction  on  Missouri  —  He 
said  much  of  his  own  friendship  for  the  north  —  that  his 
education  had  been  northern,40  his  politics,  his  feelings,  his 
views,  &  his  sympathies  were  all  northern  —  On  the  whole, 
after  a  conversation  of  more  than  an  hour,  in  which  he 
proposed  to  speak  with  perfect  candour  &  to  desire  no 

s»  See  footnote  35,  above. 

40  Calhoun  entered  the  Junior  class  at  Yale  in  1802  and  was  graduated 
with  distinction  on  September  12,  1804. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  73 

concealment,  I  left  him  with  great  doubts  as  to  his  real 
views,  but  impressed  finally  with  the  opinion  that  he  would 
push  for  the  Presidency  now,  if  circumstances  favoured; 
&  if  not,  that  he  would  make  a  merit  of  withdrawing  for 
the  present  with  an  intention  to  come  forward  at  some 
future  &  more  auspicious  juncture  —  In  my  view,  his  pros- 
pect of  present  success  is  very  small,  &  the  eagerness  with 
which  he  grasps  at  the  splendid  phantom  which  plays  be- 
fore his  eyes,  is  a  proof  of  equal  ambition  &  want  of  judg- 
ment—  or  rather  of  the  blindness  of  self-love  —  For  if 
South  Carolina  were  to  chose  the  President,  Mr.  Lowndes' 
chance  of  success  would  be  equal,  &  Mr.  Cheves41  probably 
superior  to  Mr.  Calhoun,  &  the  same  would  be  true  in  a 
majority  of  the  states  —  I  intend  to  see  him  again  on  this 
subject,  &,  if  possible,  obtain  from  him  something  more 
distinct  as  to  the  future  — 

From  Mr.  Calhoun's  office,  I  went  to  the  Department  of 
State  —  the  conversation  which  I  had  with  Mr.  Adams 
was  neither  so  long,  nor  so  interesting  as  that  with  Mr. 
Calhoun  —  As  the  latter  told  me  expressly  that  he  had  no 
secrets,  &  wished  no  concealment,  I  repeated  to  Mr.  Adams 
the  substance  of  that  he  had  said  to  me  on  the  subject. 
Mr.  Adams  said  that  he  always  considered  Calhouns  &  his 
friends  as  friendly  to  him  —  but  that  this  late  movement 
had  puzzled  him;  &  that  he  had  received  no  explaination 
of  it  till  this  which  I  gave  him  —  He  said  that  an  elaborate 
system  had  been  long  in  full  operation  to  degrade  &  vilify 
him ;  &  by  every  artifice  to  divert  the  public  attention  from 
him  to  other  men  —  that  he  had  done  nothing  in  his  own 
defence,  but  trusted  wholly  to  his  public  acts  for  the  ex- 

4i  Langdon  Cheves,  former  member  of  congress  and  president  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States. 


74  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

plaination  of  his  views  &  character,  —  that  he  had  rather 
go  at  once  into  private  life  than  make  any  bargain,  or  come 
under  any  obligation  to  a  single  individual,  though  that  in- 
dividual could  make  him  President  of  the  United  States  — 
that  he  must  be  free,  or  he  would  be  nothing  —  that  he 
had  made  no  pledges  with  any  party  —  that  the  Bucktails 
had  made  advances  to  him,  while  they  were  in  a  minority ; 
but  he  had  given  them  no  promises  —  that  he  thought  them 
less  likely  to  be  his  friends  than  the  Clintonians,  who  were 
in  their  feelings  &  their  views  friendly  to  a  northern  man, 
while  the  Bucktails  had  proved,  in  the  Missouri  contro- 
versy, &  on  other  occasions,  that  their  leaning  was  to  the 
South  —  that  Clinton  being  now  done,  the  Bucktails,  with 
Van  Beuren  at  their  head,  (who,  by  the  way,  is  perhaps 
the  greatest  manager  here,)42  had  come  on,  in  a  body,  to 
make  their  fortunes  by  joining  the  strongest  party,  &  that 
for  the  present  they  declared  for  no  one  in  particular,  but 
were  waiting,  &  watching  the  progress  of  events  —  He  said 
that  he  had  been  repeatedly  urged  to  suffer  his  friends  to 
come  out  &  nominate  him,  to  refute  the  calumnies  which 
had  been  spread,  &  to  set  forth  his  claims  &  pretensions  to 
the  Presidency;  but  that  he  had  always  told  them  that  it 
was  too  soon  —  but  since  steps  had  been  taken,  by  other 
candidates,  bringing  them  directly  before  the  public,  he 
should  no  longer  object  to  a  nomination,  if  his  friends 
thought  it  necessary  —  that,  if  done  at  all,  it  should  begin 
with  the  Republican  members  of  the  Massachusetts  legis- 
lature —  that  the  presence  of  the  Federalists  in  such  a 
caucus  ought  to  be  avoided,  as  likely  to  do  much  more  hurt 
than  good43  —  I  told  him  I  would  write  to  Boston  on  the 

42  An  early  recognition  of  the  political  skill  of  Martin  Van  Buren. 

43  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  V,  477-478. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  75 

subject,  &  have  done  so,  to  Mr.  Fuller,44  a  member  of  our 
House,  who  has  gone  home  in  consequence  of  sickness  in 
his  family  —  I  suggested  to  him,  in  my  letter,  the  idea  of 
a  nomination,  but  without  recommending  it ;  telling  him  at 
the  same  time  to  set  the  Newspapers  in  motion  if  nothing 
more  was  done  —  I  think  the  same  should  be  done  in  New 
Hampshire;  &  that  a  well  written  article  in  this  subject  in 
Hill's  Paper45  would  be  of  service  not  only  at  home,  but  in 
other  states  —  Would  it  not  be  advisable  for  you  to  write 
something  for  this  purpose?  — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  28th  1822 
Dear  father, 

The  talk  about  the  next  President  has  in  a  considerable 
degree  subsided  —  The  attempt  to  settle  the  question  now, 
seems  to  be  pretty  generally  condemned  as  hasty  &  pre- 
mature—  Most  of  those  who  were  supposed  to  be  con- 
cerned in  starting  it  here,  now  deny  having  any  agency  in 
it.  There  are  some  further  facts  in  relation  to  this  sub- 
ject, derived  from  authentic  sources,  which  I  will  state  in 
some  future  letter  —  With  respect  to  the  state  of  feeling  in 
Massachusetts,  Mr.  Fuller,  who  has  just  returned  from 
Boston,  informs  me  that  the  Republicans  of  that  state, 
with  the  exception  of  a  very  few,  are  warmly  in  favour 
of  Mr.  Adams,  &  that  it  would  have  been  easy  to  obtain  a 

44  Timothy  Fuller.  Adams  had  previously  discussed  this  proposal 
with  Fuller.    Ibid.,  V,  468-469. 

45  Isaac  Hill,  editor  of  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot.  Hill  threw  his 
support  to  Crawford.  His  letter  of  April  22,  1824,  in  support  of  the  caucus 
nomination  of  Crawford  is  given  below. 


76  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications, 

nomination,  quite  unanimous,  from  the  Republican  mem- 
bers of  the  Legislature,  if  it  had  been  thought  proper  at 
this  time  —  but  that  they  would  probably  do  no  more  than 
have,  at  some  of  their  caucuses  for  other  purposes,  a  sort 
of  informal  understanding,  but  no  direct  vote,  on  the  sub- 
ject.  .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington,  December  4th  1822 


Dear  father 


The  whole  talk  here  is  respecting  the  next  President. 
I  saw  a  private  letter  this  morning  from  Ohio,  which  states 
that  Mr.  Clay's  friends  are  taking  great  pains  to  get  him 
nominated  in  that  state  by  the  legislature  now  in  session  — 
but  that  they  are  in  favour  of  some  man  from  the  free 
states,  Clinton  or  Adams  —  that  they  prefer  the  former ; 
but  will  support  the  latter,  if  it  should  appear,  as  it  cer- 
tainly will,  that  Clinton  has  no  chance  of  success.46  .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  Dec.  6  1822 
Dear  father, 

I  have  been  looking  over  such  parts  of  Mr.  Adams  book 
respecting  the  Fisheries  &  the  Mississippi  as  I  had  not  be- 

46  Edward  King,  writing  from  Gallipolis,  Ohio,  November  24,  1822,  to 
his  father,  Senator  Rufus  King,  expressed  very  nearly  the  sentiments  here 
given  by  Plumer.  It  is  possible  that  this  was  the  letter  to  which  Plumer 
referred.  See  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus  King  (C.  R.  King,  ed.), 
VI,  487. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  11 

fore  seen.47  It  bears  throughout  the  impress  of  his  pow- 
erful &  ardent  mind  —  He  has  come  out  of  this  contro- 
versy, not  merely  with  success,  but  in  triumph.  All  those 
with  whom  I  have  conversed  speak  of  it  as  placing  him 
upon  higher  ground  than  he  ever  before  occupied.  Judge 
Barton48  of  Missouri  told  me  that  the  whole  intrigue  was 
understood  in  the  Western  States  in  it's  true  light  —  & 
that  he  had  no  doubt  it  was  one  of  the  artifices  of  Clay  to 
render  Adams  unpopular  &  advance  his  own  pretensions 
to  the  Presidency;  but  that  it  had  produced  the  opposite 
effect.  —  It  is  reported  that  the  Legislature  of  Missouri 
will  nominate  Clay  as  President  at  their  present  session  — 
This  is  not  improbable  • —  They  are  not  a  little  indebted 
to  him  for  their  admission  into  the  Union  upon  terms 
which  they  consider  more  favourable  than  the  north  was 
willing  to  allow  —  Another  rumour  is  that  the  friends  of 
Adams  &  Clay  will  unite,  Adams  to  be  President  &  Clay 
Vice  President  —  But  I  think  this  extremely  improbable ; 
&  merely  notice  it  among  the  rumours  of  the  day.49 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  10th  1822 
Dear  father, 

You  are  correct  in  supposing  that  the  presidential  elec- 
tion will  engage  much  of  the  time  &  attention  of  the  mem- 

47  The  duplicate  Letters,  the  Fisheries  and  the  Mississippi.  Documents 
relating  to  the  Transactions  at  the  Negotiations  of  Ghent  (Collected  and 
published  by  John  Quincy  Adams).  Washington,  1822.  Also  note  in  J.  Q. 
Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  118. 

48  David  Barton,  senator  from  December  3,  1821,  to  March  3,  1831. 

49  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  114. 


78  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

bers  of  Congress  —  Yon  will  see,  by  the  letter  of  General 
Smyth  of  Virginia  that  he  has  commenced  an  attack  on 
Mr.  Adams,  for  his  conduct  while  in  the  Senate50  —  It  may 
indeed  be  said  to  be  an  attack  upon  you  almost  as  much 
as  upon  Mr.  Adams,  since  your  name  is  quoted  in  conjunc- 
tion with  his  in  almost  every  case  —  Indeed,  I  might 
take  some  portion  of  it  to  myself  since  he  seems  determined 
to  make  the  son  responsible  for  the  acts  of  his  father  — 
It  seems  as  if  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Adams  were  determined 
to  make  him  President,  so  injudicious  &  so  unsuccessful 
have  they  been  in  their  attacks  upon  him  —  nothing  that 
he  ever  did  himself,  has  raised  him  so  much,  in  public 
estimation,  as  his  controversy  with  Russell51  —  and  this 
letter  of  Smyth,  as  far  as  it  goes,  will  have  the  same  ef- 
fect. It  is  generally  condemned  here,  as  equally  impru- 
dent &  impotent  —  Mr.  Adams  is  not  to  be  made  Presi- 
dent, because  he  voted  against  wearing  crape!  &  the  man 
who  makes  this  objection  has  himself  repeatedly  refused 
to  wear  crape  when  the  House  has  voted  to  do  so  on  ac- 
count of  the  death  of  its  members !  — 

Mr.  Clay's  friends  are  endeavouring  to  get  him  nomin- 
ated in  the  Western  States  —  The  Kentucky  Legislature 
has  already  done  so.52  In  Ohio,  great  exertions  are  making 
to  produce  a  similar  result  —  but  with  what  success  is  not 

50  For  further  information  on  the  controversy  between  Smyth  and 
Adams,  see  ibid.,  VI,  120,  121,  124-127;  Josiah  Quincy,  Life  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  130-132;  Niles'  Register,  XXIII,  289;  J.  Q.  Adams,  Writings 
(Worthington  C.  Ford,  ed.),  VII,  335-354. 

si  The  correspondence  between  Jonathan  Russell  and  Adams  over  the 
negotiation  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  is  published  in  Niles'  Register,  XXII, 
197-220. 

52  A  full  account  of  the  nomination  of  Clay  by  the  Kentucky  legisla- 
ture on  November  18,  1822,  is  given  in  Niles1  Register,  XXIII,  245. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  79 

yet  known.53  In  Missouri  the  same  attempt  was  made  — 
but  has  failed  —  Col.  Benton,  one  of  their  Senators,  in- 
stead of  coming  here  at  the  commencement  of  the  Session, 
went  to  their  state  legislature  then  in  session,  &  after  much 
exertion  obtained  a  meeting  of  the  members  —  who  deter- 
mined, but  without  taking  any  direct  vote,  that  it  was  in- 
expedient to  make  any  nomination  —  The  candidates 
spoken  of  in  this  meeting  were  Clay  &  Claiborne  —  a  cir- 
cumstance which  shows,  in  addition  to  a  thousand  others, 
the  unpopularity  of  Mr.  Crawford  —  Mr.  Clay's  plan  seems 
to  be  to  make  a  Western  party  who  shall  be  devoted  to 
him  —  &  to  use  this  party  as  circumstances  may  require  — 
to  make  him  president  if  possible  —  &  if  not,  to  make  the 
best  bargain  they  can  for  him  —  to  make  him  either  Vice 
President,  or  Secretary  of  State.  Some  of  the  Western 
members  who  are  friendly  to  Adams  &  Clay  propose  a 
union  of  their  forces.  But  besides  other  objections  to  this 
course,  it  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  very  dangerous  —  Clay, 
as  Vice  President,  might  be  of  great  service  to  the  admin- 
istration, &  secure  the  cooperation  of  Congress  &  the  good 
will  of  the  people  —  or,  what  appears  to  me  more  prob- 
able, he  might  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  opposition,  & 
at  the  end  of  the  first  four  years  supersede  Mr.  Adams, 
as  Mr.  Jefferson  did  his  father.  Again,  if  Clay  is  Vice 
President,  what  shall  be  done  with  Calhoun?  If  made 
Secretary  of  State,  he  &  Clay  will,  of  course,  be  at  the  head 
of  two  parties,  with  one  of  whom  the  President  must  take 
part,  &  encounter  the  opposition  of  the  other.  But  this  is 
speculating  on  remote  contingencies.   .   .   . 

53  See  Eugene  H.   Roseboom,   "Ohio  in  the  Presidential   Election   of 
1824",  Ohio  Archaeological  and  Historical  Quarterly,  XXVI,  170-171. 


80  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  15th  1822 
Dear  father, 

The  report  here  is  that,  if  Mr.  Crawford  is  President, 
Mr.  Holmes  of  Maine  will  be  sent  Minister  to  Russia,  to 
which  power  it  is  understood  the  question  of  our  northern 
boundary  is  to  be  referred  in  case  it  cannot  be  settled  by- 
direct  negociation  between  the  parties,  which  is  not  prob- 
able.54 This  appointment  is,  of  course,  conjectural  —  but  it 
is  very  generally  believed  that  the  zeal  of  Mr.  Holmes  for 
Mr.  Crawford's  election  has  some  such  interested  motive. 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  21st  1822 
Dear  father, 

Notwithstanding  what  I  wrote  you  respecting  Missouri, 
it  appears  that  at  a  subsequent  meeting  of  Members  of 
the  Legislature,  Mr.  Clay  was  nominated  for  the  Presi- 
dent.55 We  have  just  received  information  that  he  has 
failed  in  Ohio  —  the  meeting  called  for  the  purpose  of 
nominating  him  determined,  by  a  small  majority,  that  it 
was  inexpedient  to  make  any  nomination  at  this  time  — 
It  is  said  those  opposed  to  Clay  were  favourable  to  Clin- 
ton, &  next  to  him  to  Mr.  Adams.  I  had  a  conversation 
the  other  day  with  Mr.  Adams  on  this  subject.    He  thinks 

s*  As  late  as  1828  the  Czar  of  Russia  was  considered  as  a  possible 
arbitrator  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  in  the  dispute  over 
the  northeastern  boundary.     See  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VII,  515. 

65  See  note  in  Niles'  Register,  XXIII,  245. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  81 

Clay's  plan  is  to  get  what  support  he  can  —  to  prevent  a 
choice  by  the  Electors  —  &  to  make  his  bargain  in  the* 
House  —  With  nine  Western  States  to  support  him,  he 
would  either  make  Crawford's  friends  join  him,  &  thus 
become  President  —  or,  if  Crawford  should  be  strongest 
in  the  House,  he  would  consent  to  his  being  President  upon 
condition  that  he  should  himself  be  made  Secretary  of 
State,  &,  of  course,  heir  apparent  to  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  Adams  spoke  of  Gen.  Smyth's  attack  upon  him;  & 
said  you  were  as  much  concerned  with  it,  as  he  was;  as 
your  name  appeared  with  his,  in  almost  every  vote.  He 
is  writing  an  answer  to  Smyth  —  but  I  rather  dissuaded 
him  from  it,  under  an  idea  that  it  might  look,  on  his  part, 
like  too  great  a  fondness  for  controversy  —  Yet  the  im- 
portance of  the  subject,  &  the  official  character  of  his  as- 
sailant, may  perhaps  render  necessary,  &  would  certainly 
excuse  some  reply  — 

He  said  that  Clay  was  at  the  bottom  of  Russell's  attack 
on  him  —  &  that  if  Clay  came  out,  as  he  hoped  he  would, 
he  had  it  in  his  power,  &  was  determined  to  give  him  as 
severe  a  dressing  as  he  had  given  Russell  —  that  in  the 
former  controversy  he  had  purposely  spared  Clay,  &  con- 
fined his  refutation  to  Eussell ;  but  that  it  was  for  no  want 
of  matter  against  the  former,  who  was,  in  fact,  as  vulner- 
able as  the  latter  — 

I  told  him  what  I  had  heard  Mr.  Lowndes  say  respecting 
his  (Adams')  coming  into  the  Cabinet56  —  He  said  that 
the  President  had  never  explained  to  him  his  motives  in 
making  him  Secretary  of  State.  —  that  he  had  no  doubt 
that  Clay  laid  claims  to  the  office,  &  was  offended  that  he 
did  not  get  it  — but  that  Clay  had  then  no  fear  that  Adams 

56  See  footnote  9,  above. 


82  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

would  be  in  his  way  to  the  Presidency,  &  regarded  that 
appointment  as  less  dangerous  to  him  than  that  of  Craw- 
ford would  have  been  —  &  that  the  latter  was  of  the  same 
opinion  —  but  that  both  of  them  soon  began  to  apprehend 
danger,  &,  though  hostile  to  each  other,  in  other  respects, 
had  combined,  on  all  occasions,  &  with  unwearied  indus- 
try, to  crush  him  —  He  did  not  understand  that  Crawford 
wished  himself  to  be  Secretary  of  State;  but  merely  to 
keep  Clay  out,  &  introduce  somebody  who  would  not  be 
dangerous  to  him.  If  with  this  view,  Mr.  Crawford  fa- 
voured the  appointment  of  Mr.  Adams,  it  was  certainly 
a  most  hazardous  experiment.  —  Mr.  Adams  was  of  opinion 
that  whoever  may  be  president,  the  next  administration 
will  have  to  encounter  a  regular  &  formidable  opposition 
—  Of  this  I  think  there  can  be  little  doubt. 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Peak  father  Washington  December  27th  1822 

Mr.  Crawford,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  spent  nearly 
four  months,  of  this  recess,  in  Georgia,  &  took  occasion 
frequently  &  strongly  to  express  his  opinion  on  the  merit 
of  the  candidates,  &  his  wishes  as  to  who  should  be  elected. 
Mr.  Cuthbert,57  one  of  the  members  who  is  re-elected,  told 
me  that  he  was  opposed  on  the  ground  that  he  was  un- 
friendly to  Mr.  Crawford  —  that  this  was  not  true ;  &  that 
Mr.  Crawford,  being  informed  of  it,  went  about  the  coun- 
try contradicting  the  report,  &  expressing  his  wish  that 
Cuthbert  should  be  elected.  Indeed  from  all  I  can  learn 
Crawford  was  absent  from  his  duty  here  a  term  which  en- 

57  Alfred  Cuthbert. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  83 

titled  him  to  a  salary  of  two  thousand  dollars,  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  putting  down  his  enemy  Governor  Clark,58 
&  securing  the  election  to  Congress  of  men  favourable  to 
his  pretensions  to  the  Presidency  —  in  both  of  which  it  is 
said  he  has  succeeded.   .   .   . 


S.  HALE  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR. 

Keene  N.  H.  Jany  27,  1823. 
Dear  Sir, 

Mr.  Adams  gains  ground  daily  in  the  consideration  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  His  reply  to  Clay  was  pithy,  that  to 
Smyth  overwhelming.  Could  he  stop  here,  he  will  have 
done  himself  much  good  by  writing.  I  fear  he  will  be  led 
too  far,  and  that  his  enemies  have  a  plan  to  irritate  and  en- 
tangle him.  Did  not  the  meeting  between  him  and  Smyth 
result  as  the  latter  wished  &  intended?  When  old  John59 
was  at  the  bar,  his  antagonists  used  to  put  him  in  a  pas- 
sion and  thus  gain  an  easy  victory.     .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  3d  1823. 
Dear  father, 

The  first  question  on  the  meeting  of  the  House  was  who 
should  be  Speaker.  Clay,  Taylor,  &  Barbour  were  the  only 
candidates.  The  former  was  opposed  solely  upon  the 
ground  that  by  making  him  Speaker  we  should  be  advanc- 
ing him  to  the  Presidency  —  giving  him  a  testimonial  of 

"  See  footnote  12,  above. 
69  John  Adams. 


84  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

our  high  confidence  —  &  thus  throwing  ourselves  unawares 
into  his  scale.  I  do  not  however  think  there  is  much  in 
this  view  of  the  subject  —  &  at  any  rate  it  was  obvious 
to  all  impartial  observers  that  Clay  would  be  Speaker,  & 
that  no  combination  that  could  be  formed  could  prevent 
it  —  the  dictate  of  prudence  then  was  let  him  be  unani- 
mously elected  —  &  there  could  then  be  no  pretence  that 
those  who  voted  for  him  intended  by  that  vote  to  recom- 
mend him  to  the  people  as  President  —  This  course  would 
have  been  adopted  but  for  the  obstinacy  of  Barbour  & 
the  Virginians  —  Taylor  finding  the  struggle  would  be 
useless,  &  that  he  could  not  probably  command  at  the  first 
ballot  more  than  fifty  votes,  wisely  declined  —  &  his  friends 
all  voted  for  Clay  —  who  had  139  votes,  &  Barbour  42 — 
There  was  no  other  candidate.60  If  Clay  had  been  out  of 
the  question  Taylor  would  undoubtedly  have  been  elected, 
by  a  considerable  majority.  —  It  has  occurred  to  me  as 
possible,  perhaps  probable,  that  Taylor  declined,  with  an 
understanding,  on  the  part  of  Clay.  That  after  filling  the 
Chair  for  a  time,  he  should  resign  &  give  his  support  to 
Taylor  as  his  successor.    But  this  is  mere  conjecture. 

I  called  yesterday  upon  Mr.  Adams.  He  enquired  par- 
ticularly for  you  —  I  found  him  in  good  health  &  spirits  — 
&  had  some  conversation  with  him  on  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion —  He  said  nothing  directly  as  to  his  own  prospects  — 
but  discussed  the  merits  &  the  chances  of  the  other  can- 
didates. I  was  surprised  to  find  that  he  (&  I  find  many 
other  people  talk  in  the  same  way)  considered  Jackson  as 
a  very  prominent  &  formidable  candidate.  And  what  was 
more,  he  not  only  considered  him  as  strong,  but  also  as 

6oc/.     Annals  of  Congress,  18  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  I,  794-795;  Niles'  Reg- 
ister, XXV,  209,  222-223. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  85 

meritorious  —  He  had,  he  said,  no  hesitation  in  saying  that 
he  preferred  him  decidedly  to  any  of  the  other  candidate  — 
(He  no  doubt  made  a  tacit  reservation  in  his  own 
favour)  —  that  Jackson  would  administer  the  government 
with  perfect  integrity  &  disinterestedness,  free  from  all 
bargains,  compromises,  coalitions,  or  corruption  —  &  this, 
he  added,  with  great  emphasis,  is  more  than  I  can  say  of 
either  Crawford,  Calhoun,  Clay,  or  Clinton  —  He  thought 
Jackson  would  have  all  the  Western  States,  if  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  Clay  could  not  succeed,  &  some  of  them  at  any 
rate;  that  Pennsylvania  would  declare  for  him  —  &  in 
short,  that  he  had  the  mass  of  the  people  with  him  every- 
where—  I  objected  to  him  his  rashness  &  indiscretion  — 
He  said  that  Jackson's  character  was  not  understood  in 
that  respect  —  that  no  man  acted  with  more  deliberation 
or  listened  more  readily  to  advice  —  but  that  when  his  de- 
cision was  once  formed  he  was  inflexible  —  that  he  executed 
his  designs  with  a  rapidity  which  was  mistaken  for  rash- 
ness, but  which  was  in  fact  the  result  of  the  most  profound 
calculation  —  that  he  (Adams)  had  been  obliged  to  examine 
very  minutely  all  those  parts  of  Jackson's  conduct  which 
were  thought  most  exceptionable,  &  that  whatever  occa- 
sional hastiness  there  might  be  in  the  manner,  there  was 
nothing  in  the  matter  which  he  could  condemn  —  nothing 
which  did  not  rest  in  the  soundest  principles  of  justice, 
policy,  the  law  of  nations,  &  the  public  good  —  He  might 
perhaps,  as  President,  be  guilty  of  some  trifling  indiscre- 
tions ;  but  they  would  not  affect  the  course  of  public  meas- 
ures, nor  prevent  his  administering  the  government  with 
wisdom  &  integrity.61 

si  There  is  no  record  in  Adams's  Memoirs  of  this  very  interesting  con- 
versation.   At  an  earlier  date,  Adams  had  praised  Jackson  highly  in  rec- 


86  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Mr.  Adams  said  little  of  Mr.  Crawford  —  more  of  Mr. 
Clay,  —  &  a  good  deal  of  Mr.  Calhoun  —  He  said  that 
though  Clay  would,  no  doubt,  manage  in  his  way,  there 
was  in  him  a  root  of  principle,  which  made  him  a  much 
safer  man  than  Crawford  or  Calhoun  —  He  then  spoke  at 
some  length  of  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Calhoun  —  said,  that, 
under  the  guise  of  friendship,  he  had  been  labouring  in- 
cessently  to  injure  him  &  advance  himself  —  that  this 
underhand  course  was  unworthy  of  a  man  of  talents  & 
integrity;  &  that  it  would  imply  a  want  of  moral  feeling 
in  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  advance  a  man  who 
had  taken  such  a  course,  &  who  (aside  of  that,)  had  really 
less  merit  than  any  of  the  other  candidates,  to  the  Presi- 
dency —  &  that  he  did  not  believe  that  Mr.  Calhoun  himself 
entertained  any  very  sanguine  expectations  of  success  — 
that  his  present  object  seemed  to  be  to  get  what  strength 
he  could,  &  then  join  the  party  that  would  give  him  the 
best  terms.  He  said  he  was  not  willing  even  to  suspect 
Mr.  Calhoun  of  such  a  course  —  &  the  time  had  been  when 
he  would  not,  for  a  moment,  have  entertained  such  a  suspi- 
cion, —  but  that  he  knew  of  no  other  way  in  which  his  con- 
duct of  late  could  be  explained  —  He  thought  also  that 
Calhoun  had  another  course  in  view  which  was  to  put  him- 
self at  the  head  [of]  an  opposition  to  the  next  administra- 

ommending  him  to  Monroe  for  the  post  of  minister  to  Mexico.  Memoirs, 
VI,  128-129.  Daniel  Webster  wrote  to  his  brother,  February  22,  1824: 
"General  Jackson's  manners  are  more  presidential  than  those  of  any  of 
the  candidates.  He  is  grave,  mild,  and  reserved.  My  wife  is  for  him 
decidedly".  Daniel  Webster,  Private  Correspondence  (Fletcher  Webster, 
ed.),  I,  346.  Cf.  also  the  favorable  description  of  Jackson  by  Senator 
Elijah  H.  Mills  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  letter  of  January  22,  1824,  pub- 
lished in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Proceedings,  XIX,  40-41. 
The  Tennessee  legislature  had  passed  resolutions,  July  20,  1823,  nominat- 
ing Jackon  for  the  presidency.  Niles'  Register,  XXII,  402;  Bassett,  Life 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  I,  328;  Parton,  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  III,  18-21. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  87 

tion,  in  case  he  did  not  himself  form  a  part  of  it  —  that 
some  of  his  late  measures  seemed  designed  expressly  to 
make  difficulty  for  the  next  President,  whoever  he  might 
be  —  He  here  alluded  to  some  cabinet  secrets,  which  I  did 
not  feel  at  liberty  to  ask  him  to  unfold  — 

With  respect  to  Mr.  Monroe's  views  on  the  subject  of 
the  Presidential  election,  I  told  him  that  the  President 
was  said  to  favour  Mr.  Calhoun  —  He  said  that  Mr.  Cal- 
houn's friends  had  very  industriously  circulated  that  re- 
port —  but  that  the  President  had  repeatedly  said  that  he 
should  give  no  opinion  on  the  subject  —  that  all  the  candi- 
dates possessed  his  confidence;  &  that  he  should  scrupu- 
lously abstain  from  taking  any  part  in  the  struggle  which 
might  ensure  for  the  succession  — 

Some  part  of  this  conversation  was  confidential  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Adams  —  &  I  did  not  understand  by  any  means 
that  he  spoke  publicly  of  Mr.  Calhoun  with  the  same  free- 
dom as  he  used  in  addressing  me  —  But  it  was  apparent 
that  he  had  no  longer  the  same  confidence  in  him  that  he 
had  two  years  ago  —  &,  if  President,  I  much  doubt  whether 
he  would  make  Calhoun  his  prime  minister  —  He  seemed 
to  doubt  his  integrity  —  &,  as  he  truly  observed,  without 
this,  no  man  is  fit  for  any  public  station. 

From  this  whole  conversation  I  drew  the  inferrence  that 
Adams  wished  to  advance  Jackson,  in  case  he  could  not 
himself  be  President;62  &  even  that  he  would  consent  to 
serve  under  him  in  his  present  office  as  Secretary  of  State. 
This  however  is  mere  conjecture,  as  nothing  was  said  from 

62  On  September  6,  1824,  William  B.  Lewis,  one  of  Jackson's  most 
confidential  friends,  wrote  to  Stephen  Simpson,  editor  of  the  Columbian 
Observer:  "I  have  no  doubt,  if  Adams  cannot  be  elected  himself,  that  he 
would  prefer  the  election  of  General  Jackson  to  that  of  any  other  per- 
son".   Nathan  Sargent,  Public  Men  and  Events,  I,  58. 


88  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

which  such  an  inferrence  could,  with  any  plausibility,  be 
deduced  —  But  he  seemed  evidently  anxious  to  advance 
Jackson,  &  to  depress  Calhoun.  He  also  spoke  with  great 
liberality  of  Mr.  Clay  —  We  were  interrupted  by  the  ar- 
rival of  company  —  &  I  left  him  without  making  several 
enquiries  which  I  intended  to  have  put.  .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  10th  1823 
Dear  father, 

With  respect  to  a  Congressional  nomination,  I  can  find 
very  few  members  in  favor  of  it  —  It  is  said  the  Western 
people  are  all  against  it.  Mr.  Adams'  friends  certainly 
are  —  Mr.  Calhoun's,  I  think,  are  —  Jackson's  certainly 
are  —  who  then  is  in  favour  of  it?  It  is  said  Mr.  Craw- 
ford's friends  are  —  but  they  are  far  from  being  a  ma- 
jority of  Congress  —  &  will  surely  not  venture  on  such  a 
measure  in  the  present  state  of  public  feeling  —  My  own 
opinion  is  that  the  members  of  Congress  will  wait  to  see 
what  course  public  opinion  will  take  in  the  several  states. 
The  legislatures  of  nearly  all  the  states  are  in  session 
during  the  winter  —  At  Boston,  at  Albany,  at  Harrisburgh, 
at  Richmond,  in  all  the  great  states,  this  subject  will  en- 
gage the  attention  of  the  members  of  their  respective  legis- 
latures —  public  opinion  in  those  states  will  take  some 
definite  form  —  &  as  these  state  legislatures  shall  decide, 
you  will  find  the  members  of  Congress  disposed  to  act  — 
so  that,  in  my  view  of  the  subject,  the  question  will  be 
settled  in  the  states,  where  it  ought  to  be ;  and  not  in  Con- 
gress, where  it  should  come  only  in  the  last  resort.  .  .  . 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  89 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  12th  1823. 
Deak  fathee, 

I  do  not  think  that  DeWitt  Clinton,  or  his  friends  have 
much  expectation  that  he  will  be  President  at  the  next 
election  —  but  they  intend,  if  possible  to  secure  the  votes 
of  New  York,  to  be  given,  if  judged  proper,  to  him,  or  if 
not  to  him,  to  some  person  who  will  bring  him  into  the  new 
administration,  as  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  or  some  such  office.63  In  short,  if  New  York  can 
be  made  to  do  as  he  says,  he  calculates  that  it  will  be  in  his 
power  to  make  a  President.  I  find  among  the  Yorkers  a 
strong  disposition  not  to  throw  away  their  votes  —  they 
are  determined  to  make  their  great  state  to  be  felt  in  the 
election  — 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  here  are  making  great  ef- 
forts to  have  a  Congressional  Caucus  without  delay  —  They 
find  public  opinion  turning  against  them  in  the  States  — 
&  they  hope  to  recover  it  by  a  congressional  nomination, 
even  though  the  number  attending  the  meeting  should  be 
small.  Among  the  friends  of  the  other  candidates,  there  is 
much  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  course  most  proper  to 
be  pursued  —  Some  are  for  attending  &  voting  down  the 
caucus  —  others  prefer  staying  away  &  taking  no  part  — 
others  say  we  ought  to  meet  the  day  preceeding  that  ap- 
pointed for  the  caucus,  &  vote  that  it  is  inexpedient  to  call 
a  convention  —  after  which  Crawford's  friends  might  go 
on  if  they  saw  fit  —  Their  object  in  having  a  caucus  so 
early  is  to  forestall  public  opinion,  &  to  give  an  impulse 

es  Clinton  later  declined  Adams's  offer  of  the  ministry  at  London.    See 
Plumer's  letter  of  March  2,  1825,  below. 


90  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

here,  which  shall  be  felt  through  the  Union.  But  I  think 
they  will  hardly  feel  themselves  strong  enough  to  venture 
into  Caucus  yet.   .   .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JE.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  22d  1823. 
Dear  father, 

A  great  effort  has  been  made  here  by  Mr.  Crawford's 
friends  to  get  a  Caucus  nomination  in  his  favour.  Satur- 
day last  was  fixed  upon  as  the  day  of  meeting  —  but  it  was 
found  that  not  more  than  sixty  members  could  be  induced 
to  pledge  themselves  to  attend  —  &  it  was  uncertain  how 
some  of  these  would  vote  when  they  got  there  —  The  de- 
sign was  therefore  abandoned  for  the  present.  The  mem- 
bers from  New  Hampshire  had  a  meeting  on  Friday  to  see 
what  course  they  would  take  —  &  we  voted  unanimously 
that  we  would  not  attend  a  Caucus  at  the  present  time  — 
Bell,  Whipple,  &  Bartlett64  thought  it  probable  they  should 
attend  one,  if  called  towards  the  close  of  the  session.  They 
all  declared  themselves  in  favour  of  Adams,  except  Bart- 
lett,  who  expressed  no  opinion  as  to  the  candidates  —  Bell 
said  that  next  to  Adams  he  preferred  Crawford  —  &  from 
various  indications,  which  he  has  given  I  should  not  be 
surprised  to  find  him,  before  the  session  closes,  an  avowed 
Crawfordite. 

The  great  object  in  calling  a  caucus  so  early  in  the  ses- 
sion is  to  influence  the  State  Legislature,  &  particularly 
the  State  of  New  York,  the  main  pivot  on  which  the  whole 
election  is  supposed  to  turn.  —  In  the  meantime,  the  State 

64  Senator   Samuel   Bell,   Representatives   Thomas   Whipple,   Jr.,   and 
Ichabod  Bartlett. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  91 

legislatures  seem  to  be  setting  themselves  against  the 
Caucus  system  altogether.  Tennessee  &  Maryland  have 
adopted  resolutions  against  it65  — 

I  forget  whether  I  told  you  that  General  Jackson  is 
making  up  with  his  old  enemies  —  He  has  reconciled  him- 
self with  Gen.  Scott,  with  Senator  Benton,  &  with  Gen. 
Cocke  !66  ...  It  is  said,  that  Cocke  was  obliged  to  promise 
that  he  would  support  Jackson,  for  the  Presidency,  before 
he  could  be  reelected.  It  is  not  probable  that  such  a  recon- 
ciliation would  be  very  sincere.  .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  26th  1823. 
Dear  father, 

It  is  not  a  little  curious  that  while  so  much  is  said  about 
a  President,  no  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  has  yet 
been  named  —  not  but  what  we  sometimes  hear  individuals 
mentioned  (&  I  have  heard  your  name  among  the  rest)  — 
but  no  one  seems  fixed  upon  by  any  party,  or  in  connexion 
with  either  of  the  candidates  for  President.  Yet  it  can 
hardly  be  doubted  that  Mr.  Crawford's  friends,  who  were, 
&  still  are,  so  eager  to  go  into  Caucus,  have  selected  their 
man  for  Vice-President,  as  well  as  President.  But  not  a 
word  is  said  by  them  on  the  subject  —  at  least,  nothing 
publicly  —  I  have  however  been  told,  within  a  few  days, 
that,  with  a  view  to  gain  New  York,  they  intended  to  make 

65  Cf.  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus  King  (C.  R.  King  ed.),  VI, 
538-539;  Niles'  Register,  XXV,  114,  137-139,  249,  260. 

66  The  story  of  Jackson's  reconciliation  with  Henry  Clay,  Thomas  H. 
Benton,  and  General  Winfield  Scott  is  related  in  Parton,  Life  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  III,  44-48. 


92  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Gov.  Yates67  Vice  President,  Tompkins  will  not  probably 
be  thought  of,  having  served  his  eight  years,  &  having  be- 
sides much  fallen  both  in  fortune  &  in  fame.  There  is 
certainly  some  policy  in  this  offer  to  Yates,  &  it  may  even 
have  the  effect  to  turn  the  nicely  balance  scales  in  that  im- 
portant state.   .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JE.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMEE 

Washington  December  31,  1823 
Deae  fathee, 

I  had  some  conversation  a  few  days  since  with  Mr.  Cal- 
houn on  the  Presidential  question.  He  is  decidedly  opposed 
to  a  caucus  —  He  says  that  it  is  not  a  question  of  men,  but 
of  principle,  between  those  who  are  willing  to  trust  the 
election  to  the  people  at  large,  &  those  who  wish  to  govern 
the  people  through  the  agency  of  a  few  intriguing  poli- 
ticians in  the  several  states.  I  cannot  help  regarding  it 
in  the  same  point  of  view  —  If  it  be  once  considered  as  a 
settled  point,  that  no  man  can  be  President,  who  is  not 
nominated  by  Congress,  —  in  other  words,  if  such  nomina- 
tion is  to  settle  the  question,  —  men  will  no  longer  seek 
to  acquire  public  confidence  by  public  services  alone,  but 
will  bend  all  their  powers  to  secure  personal  favour  with 
the  members  of  Congress,  —  certain  in  this  way  of  suc- 
ceeding in  the  great  object  of  their  ambition,  &  little  scrupu- 
lous of  the  means  by  which  such  favour  is  to  be  secured. 
Without  saying  that  a  Caucus  is  never  proper,  I  am  cer- 
tain that  it  is  not  always  necessary  —  And  if  the  practice 
is  ever  to  be  discontinued,  it  ought  to  be  before  it  has 

67  Joseph  C.  Yates,   elected  governor  in   1822;    served  for  one  term, 
from  January  1,  1823,  to  January  1,  1825. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  93 

acquired,  if  it  has  not  indeed  already,  the  force  of  a  pre- 
scription in  its  favour. 

Mr.  Clay  also  declares  against  a  Caucus  —  but  I  am  told 
that  Crawford's  friends  have  flattered  him  with  an  idea  in 
case  the  latter  is  withdrawn,  they  will  support  him  —  & 
that  his  opposition  to  a  caucus  is  therefore  provisional 
merely,  &  would  in  that  event  be  removed  —  they  have 
thrown  out  the  same  hint  to  some  of  Mr.  Adams'  friends, 
in  hopes  of  drawing  them  also  into  a  Caucus.  Indeed  I 
have  little  doubt  that  the  Virginians,  would  prefer  Mr. 
Adams,  next  to  Mr.  Crawford,  to  either  of  the  other  can- 
didates. .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  1,  1824. 
Dear  father, 

I  went  at  twelve  o'clock,  according  to  custom,  to  the 
President's  Levee  —  The  weather  was  warm,  but  rainy  & 
unpleasant  —  There  was  a  vast  crowd  of  people  there,  & 
I  passed  an  hour  very  pleasantly  in  the  crowd.  Mrs. 
Monroe  did  not  show  herself  on  the  occasion,  being  out  of 
health,  &  the  company  was  received  by  the  President,  & 
her  daughter,  Mrs  Hay  — 

While  there  I  was  informed  that  the  Virginia  Legislature 
had  rejected,  by  a  majority  of  one,  the  resolutions  in 
favour  of  a  Congressional  Caucus68  —  If  this  be  true,  & 
they  adhere  to  their  votes,  it  will  go  far  towards  putting 
down  a  Caucus  here  —  If  Pennsylvania  &  New  York  would 

68(7/.     J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  226;  Niles'  Register,  XXV,  281-284, 
288. 


94  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

declare  against  it,  there  would  be  an  end  of  the  matter  — 
But  perhaps  the  most  that  can  be  expected  of  them  is  to 
express  no  opinion  on  the  subject  either  way  — 

Mr.  Calhoun  takes  great  pains  to  secure  the  support  of 
the  Federal  Party  —  &  the  leaders  are  said  to  be  generally 
in  his  favour.  Mr.  Adams  told  me  that  no  man  in  Wash- 
ington seemed  to  be  so  much  disappointed,  or  chagrined, 
as  Mr.  Calhoun,  at  the  success  of  the  Republicans,  in  Mass- 
achusetts, last  spring,  in  electing  Eustis  Governor69  —  He 
said  the  Republicans  might  support  Mr.  Adams;  but  the 
Federalists,  who  were  the  majority,  would  give  him  the 
preference  —  and  yet  we  are  told  that  Mr.  Adams,  who 
has  apparently  taken  pains  to  affront  the  Federalists,  is 
the  Federal  candidate;  while  Calhoun,  Crawford,  &  Clay, 
who  has  on  various  occasions,  sought  the  favour  of  that 
party,  are  genuine  Republicans  —  ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  15th  1824. 
Dear  fathek, 

But  little  definite,  is  now  said  respecting  a  caucus  — 
Pennsylvania  seems  to  be  against  it  —  but  proposes  a  con- 
vention to  consist  of  Delegates  from  all  parts  of  the 
Union70  —  an  impracticable  expedient,  but  one  which  may 

69  William  Eustis,  elected  to  the  Seventh  and  Eighth  Congresses; 
secretary  of  war  from  March  7,  1809,  to  December  19,  1813;  minister  to 
the  Netherlands,  December  19,  1814,  to  May  5,  1818;  again  elected  to  the 
Seventeenth  Congress;  elected  governor  of  Massachusetts  in  1823  and 
served  until  his  death,  February  6,  1825. 

70  An  interesting  forecast  of  the  national  convention.  The  full  text 
of  the  Pennsylvania  proposal  is  given  in  Niles'  Register,  XXV,  306-307. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  95 

serve  to  divert  attention  from  a  Congressional  Caucus  — 
I  have  not  had  much  conversation  lately  on  the  subject 
with  our  members  —  but  I  do  not  think  any  of  them  would 
go  into  a  partial  caucus.  Bartlett,  I  am  told,  says  he  will 
not  go  into  caucus  unless  it  is  generally  attended  by  the 
Eepublican  members  —  If  he  holds  to  this  ground,  it  is 
pretty  certain  that  he  will  not  attend  a  caucus  —  For  from 
the  Western  States  alone  there  are  not  less  than  fifty 
members  who  declare  that  they  will  in  no  event  attend  a 
caucus  —  Nearly  all  the  Pennsylvanians  are  against  it  — 
a  part  of  the  New  Yorkers,  Vermont,  Massachusetts, 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  &  indeed  nearly  all  those  who  are 
not  pledged  to  support  Mr.  Crawford.    .   .   . 


CHAELES  RICH71  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR. 

Sir  Feby  4th  1824. 

Permit  to  enquire  whether  you  deem  it  expedient  under 
existing  circumstances,  to  attend  a  Congressional  meeting, 
should  one  be  called,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice  President?  —  also  whether 
your  colleagues  will  attend  or  not? 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Dear  father  Washington  February  5th — 1824. 

Much  has  been  lately  said,  &  something  done  in  relation 
to  a  Caucus  —  It  seems  certain  that  one  will  be  held  by 
Mr.  Crawford's  friends  —  It  is  equally  certain  that  a  large 

7i  Representative  from  Vermont. 


96  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

majority  of  Congress  will  refuse  to  attend  —  Measures 
have  been  taken  to  ascertain  the  numbers  on  both  sides  — 
&  there  will  probably  be  a  publication,  by  the  opposers  of 
the  caucus,  on  the  subject,  in  a  few  days,  perhaps  tomor- 
row—  It  is  said  that  the  caucus  will  be  held  on  the  14th 
instant  —  others  say  not  till  April  —  I  hope  it  will  be 
called  at  the  earliest  date  —  for  the  sooner  it  is  over,  the 
sooner  measures  will  be  taken,  if  not  to  form  a  union  of 
the  other  candidates,  at  least  to  defeat  the  election  of  Mr. 
Crawford  —  My  own  opinion  is  that  some  compromise  will 
be  effected  —  &,  whenever  that  is  done,  Adams  will  be 
found  the  strongest  man ;  &  must,  of  course,  in  the  event  of 
such  union,  be  the  antagonist  candidate  —  There  are  many 
symptoms  of  such  an  event.  Calhoun's  papers  no  longer 
attack  Mr.  Adams;  &  his  friends  speak  of  him  in  a  dif- 
ferent manner  from  what  they  did  at  the  commencement 
of  the  session.  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Mr.  Adams  yesterday 
on  this  subject  —  He  says  he  has  lately  had  offers,  or  over- 
tures, from  nearly  all  the  candidates  —  Mr.  Crawford's 
friends  sent  him  a  formal  oifer  to  make  him  Vice  Presi- 
dent, if  his  friends  would  support  Mr.  Crawford  for  Presi- 
dent! The  proposal  was  that  the  friends  of  both  should 
go  into  caucus  together,  &  nominate  the  two  for  these  of- 
fices respectively  —  This  was  not  a  casual  suggestion,  but 
came  in  regular  form  from  Crawford's  friends — The 
answer  was,  that  Mr.  Adams  claimed  no  office  whatever  — 
&  that  he  never  could  consent  to  receive  a  nomination  from 
a  Congressional  caucus,  for  any  office,  high  or  low  —  be- 
cause his  objections  to  such  nominations  rested  upon  prin- 
ciple; &  these  objections  would  be  the  same,  whether  he, 
or  any  other  person,  was  nominated  —  As  to  being  Vice 
President,  under  Mr.  Crawford,  he  said  that  he  could  not 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  97 

consent  to  any  such  arrangement,  &  should  decline  being  a 
candidate  for  that  office,  if  nominated.72  .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Dear  father  Washington  February  9th  1824. 

In  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Adams,  mentioned  in  my 
last,  he  seemed  to  consider  Mr.  Crawford  as  no  longer  a 
dangerous  rival  —  &  even  expressed  some  apprehension 
that  he  would  too  soon  withdraw  from  the  contest  —  while 
Crawford  stood  against  the  world,  it  was  necessary  for  all 
the  other  candidates  to  combine  again  him  —  &  this  union 
of  interest  produced  a  disposition  to  compromise  &  form  a 
single  party,  in  which  each  should  have  his  due  weight  & 
influence  —  this  had  gone  so  far  as  to  produce  advances 
on  the  part  of  Calhoun's  friends,  &  even  of  Mr.  Clay's, 
towards  a  more  intimate  union,  —  to  end,  if  possible,  in 
presenting  to  the  public  but  one  candidate,  or  at  most  but 
two,  to  oppose  Crawford  —  the  advances  on  Calhoun's 
part  were  direct  &  formal,  through  intervention  of  some 
common  friend  —  those  from  Clay,  more  remote  &  indefi- 
nite73 —  The  whole  was,  as  yet,  in  embryo ;  but  enough  had 
been  shown  to  indicate  a  sence  of  weakness  on  the  part  of 

72  cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  244.  On  the  same  date  as  Plumer's 
letter,  February  5,  Romulus  M.  Saunders,  representative  from  North 
Carolina,  wrote  to  Thomas  Ruflin  of  the  hopes  and  plans  of  the  caucus 
group.  Thomas  Ruffin,  Papers,  I,  288-289.  The  union  of  non-caucus  can- 
didates against  Crawford  was  known  to  Crawford  supporters  as  "The  Holy 
Alliance."  Henry  Seawell  to  Ruffin,  ibid.,  I,  292-293.  Nathaniel  Macon's 
doubts  as  to  the  advisability  of  a  caucus  nomination  are  expressed  in  a 
letter  of  December  12,  1823,  to  Bartlett  Yancey.  James  Sprunt  Historical 
Monographs,  No.  2,  pp.  67-70. 

73  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  241-242.  Calhoun  denied  that  there 
was  any  coalition  between  Adams  and  him.  See  John  C.  Calhoun,  Corre- 
spondence (J.  Franklin  Jameson,  ed.),  American  Historical  Association, 
Annual  Report,  1899,  II,  217. 


98  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

both  these  men  —  From  Jackson's  friends  nothing  had  been 
heard  —  But  it  is  quite  evident  that  he  is  gaining  no  new 
strength,  but  rather  •  declining  —  the  novelty  is  wearing 
away  —  &  though  it  is  allowed  that  he  will  do  well  for  Vice 
President,  very  few  of  our  leading  men  think  of  him  for 
any  higher  office  —  My  own  opinion  is  that  Adams,  Craw- 
ford, &  Clay,  if  there  is  no  choice  by  the  people,  will  be  the 
three  highest  candidates  — 

You  will  see  by  the  Intelligencer,74  that  a  Caucus  is 
called  to  meet  on  the  14th  instant  —  &  also  that  a  consid- 
erable number  of  Members  have  signed  a  paper  declaring 
that  out  of  261  Members  of  Congress,  there  are  181  who  will 
not  attend  a  Caucus75  —  so  that  the  meeting  must  be  a  thin 
one,  consisting  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  alone  — 
It  is  possible  that  a  few  of  the  181  may  attend;  but  I 
think  this  less  probable  than  that  the  81  will  be  there.  I  was 
much  urged  to  answer  for  New  Hampshire;  &  to  sign  the 
anti-caucus  paper  —  but  circumstances  made  it  improper 
in  my  opinion  —  To  ascertain  what  was  the  real  feelings 
of  my  colleagues  I  got  them  all  together  a  few  days  since  — 
when,  after  a  good  deal  of  talk,  they  refused  to  authorize 
any  person  to  speak  for  them,  or  give  any  assurances  that 
they  would  not  attend  a  caucus  —  They  however  all  said 
that  they  did  not  intend  to  attend ;  &  that,  unless  the  caucus 
was  general,  they  should  not  make  a  part  of  it.  Governor 
Bell,  contrary  to  my  fears  &  expectations,  came  out  openly 
&  decidedly  against  a  Caucus ;  &  said  he  had  made  his  mind 
up  not  to  attend  in  any  event  —  Parrot76  expressed  himself 
with  nearly  equal  strength ;  as  did  Livermore  &  Matson  — 

74  National  Intelligencer. 

75  See  Niles'  Register,  XXV,  370-371;  Parton,  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
III,  26. 

76  Senator  John  F.  Parrott. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  99 

Harvey77  was  of  the  same  opinion,  though  his  usual  cau- 
tion kept  him  from  speaking  so  decidedly — Whipple  & 
Bartlett  held  back  —  especially  the  latter  —  Under  these 
circumstances,  I  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  pledge  myself 
for  the  final  course  of  the  deligation  —  I  therefore  wrote 
to  the  Committee,  who  were  collecting  this  information,  & 
who  had  written  assurances  from  some  one  or  more  mem- 
bers from  every  state,  that  I  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  at- 
tend a  Caucus  for  the  nomination  of  Candidates  for  Presi- 
dent &  Vice  President;  &  gave  it  as  my  opinion  that  none 
of  our  deligation  would  attend  —  They  had  some  hesita- 
tion, under  these  circumstances  whether  or  not  to  include 
New  Hampshire  in  their  list ;  but  they  finally  concluded  to 
do  it  —  &  I  have  no  doubt  the  event  will  justify  them  in  so 
doing  — 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JB.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Deae  eathek,  Washington  February  16th  1824. 

The  Caucus,  so  long  expected,  &  so  much  the  subject  of 
conversation,  was  held  on  Saturday  evening,  the  14th  in- 
stant. The  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  showed  themselves 
weaker  than  ever  their  opponents  had  anticipated  —  There 
were  sixty  six  members  present  —  Of  this  number, 

Mr.  Crawford 62. 

Mr.  Adams 2. 

Mr.  Jackson 1. 

Mr.  Macon 1. 

66. 

Two  more  votes,  given  by  proxy,  were  also  counted  for  Mr. 
Crawford,  making  his  whole  number  sixty  four.78 .     .     . 

77  Representatives   Arthur   Livermore,   Aaron    Matson,    and    Matthew 
Harvey. 

78  Full  accounts  of  this  caucus  are  printed  in  Niles'  Register,  XXV, 
388-393,  401-406. 


100  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications, 

It  appears  to  me  that  Mr.  Crawford  will  receive  more 
injury  than  benefit  from  this  partial  nomination  —  It  will, 
I  think,  have  the  effect  of  uniting  the  friends  of  the  other 
candidates,  if  not  to  advance  some  one  man,  at  least  to  put 
down  Mr.  Crawford  —  &  there  can  be  no  doubt  they  are 
strong  enough,  even  without  any  very  intimate  union,  to 
do  this. 

I  am  uncertain  whether  I  informed  you  of  some  conver- 
sations which  I  have  lately  had  with  several  of  Mr.  Craw- 
ford's friends,  going  to  prove  that  they  give  Mr.  Adams 
the  preference,  next  to  their  own  candidates,  to  any  of  the 
others.  I  had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Burton79  of  North 
Carolina  in  which  he  said  that,  in  case  it  became  certain, 
or  very  probable  that  Crawford  could  not  be  elected  the 
State  of  North  Carolina  would  support  Mr.  Adams  —  that 
the  Common  People  were  for  him  now  —  &  nothing  would 
be  easier  than  for  a  few  men  to  give  him  the  fifteen  votes 
of  that  state  —  He  wished  me  to  ascertain,  from  Mr. 
Adams,  whether  it  would  be  acceptable  to  him  to  have  Mr. 
Crawford  for  Vice  President,  as  he  thought  this  ought  to 
take  place  if  Adams  was  President.  I  informed  Mr.  Adams 
of  this  —  &  afterwards  advised  Burton  to  see  him.  He 
accordingly  went  to  Mr.  Adams80  —  &  after  seeing  him 
called  upon  Mr.  Crawford,  who,  on  being  asked  the  ques- 
tion said  that,  if  his  friends  thought  it  advisable,  he  was 
willing  to  become  Vice  President  under  Mr.  Adams  — 
whether  this  was  said  because  he  thought  his  friends 
would  never  consent  to  such  an  arrangement,  &  he  could 
thus  have  the  merit  of  making  an  offer,  which  he  was  cer- 
tain he  should  never  be  called  upon  to  perform,  &  so  take 

79  Hutchins  G.  Burton. 

so  See  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  265. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  101 

credit  for  his  disinterestedness,  or  whether  he  begins  seri- 
ously to  think  that  his  chance  of  success  is  not  worth  con- 
tending for,  I  am  unable  to  tell.   .   .   . 

The  conversations  to  which  I  have  here  alluded  were 
held  the  week  of  the  caucus,  but  before  that  event  —  Dur- 
ing these  conversations,  Mr.  Adams  told  me,  in  confidence, 
that,  if  chosen  President,  he  should  retain  the  present  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet,  if  they  were  willing  to  serve  under 
him  —  so  that  there  would  be  but  one  vacancy  to  fill  —  that 
of  Secretary  of  State  —  but  whether  that  would  be  filled  by 
advancing  Crawford  or  Calhoun,  or  some  new  man,  he  did 
not  say.  If  a  new  man,  I  know  of  but  two  who  deserve  it, 
Dewit  Clinton,  &  Henry  Clay  —  against  both  strong  objec- 
tions lie  —  Clinton  would  make  the  President  unpopular 
at  the  North,  perhaps,  in  every  part  of  the  Union  —  & 
Clay,  once  Secretary  of  State,  would  be  regarded  by  every- 
body as  the  next  President  — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father  Washington  February  20th  1824 

It  begins  now  to  be  thought  that  Mr.  Clay  stands  some 
chance  of  securing  the  State  of  New  York  —  &  that  for  this 
purpose  his  friends  &  Mr.  Calhoun's  will  unite  —  It  is  ap- 
parent that  the  chance  of  the  latter  is  worth  very  little. 
It  will  be  nothing,  if  Pennsylvania  should  declare  for  Jack- 
son, as  it  is  thought  the  Harrisburgh  convention  will  do. 
Should  Jackson  secure  this  great  state,  it  will  give  him  a 
firm  footing  —  &  put  him  in  fact  above  Clay,  Calhoun,  or 
even  Crawford  —  Others  say  that  Calhoun  has  united  him- 
self with  Jackson  —  &  from  some  recent  movements  this 


102  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

does  not  seem  to  be  very  improbable.  In  the  midst  of  so 
many  opposite  opinions,  it  is  not  easy  to  form  a  probable 
conjecture  as  to  what  will  be  the  result  of  the  election.  .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father,  Washington  February  29th  1824 

Since  I  wrote  you  last  respecting  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion, some  important  changes  have  taken  place.  The 
friends  of  Mr.  Calhoun  in  Pennsylvania  having  abandoned 
him  for  Gen.  Jackson,81  he  may  be  considered  virtually 
withdrawn  from  the  course.  His  chance  of  success  was 
never  good,  &  it  is  now  utterly  hopeless  —  Yet  his  South 
Carolina  friends  still  profess  to  cling  to  him.  The  truth 
is  that  the  movement  in  Pennsylvania  was  made  by  the 
people  altogether  &  not  by  the  politicians.  If  Calhoun 
falls  into  the  hands  of  Jackson  it  will  be  not  a  matter  of 
choice  with  him,  but  of  necessity  —  He  would  probably 
prefer  an  union  with  Adams  or  Clay  —  The  accession  of 
Pennsylvania  to  Jackson  makes  him  a  truly  formidible 
candidate  —  By  many  it  is  thought  that  he  will  get,  in  addi- 
tion to  this  great  State,  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Alabama 
Missouri,  Louisiana,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  & 
some  even  say  Georgia.  If  so  he  will  come  highest  into  the 
House,  or  on  the  most  favorable  supposition,  next  to 
Adams  —  Is  it  not  a  bad  omen  that  mere  military  glory, 
for  he  has  no  character  or  reputation,  as  a  Statesman, 
should  thus  captivate  the  popular  feeling,  &  throw  the  na- 
si An  interesting  account  of  the  development  of  the  Jackson  boom  in 
Pennsylvania  and  the  consequent  decline  of  Calhoun's  strength  is  given  in 
Meigs,  Life  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  I,  290-310.  See  also,  Bassett,  Life  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  I,  331-335;  Parton,  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  III,  28-30. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  103 

tion  headlong  into  the  arms  of  a  military  despot?  I  can- 
not yet  believe  that  this  will  be  the  case  —  The  fear  of  such 
an  event  has  made  Mr.  Adams  many  friends.  The  North 
Carolinians  &  Georgians  in  the  House  say  that  if  choice  is 
between  the  two,  they  shall  give  the  preference  to  Adams. 
The  Members  from  Louisiana  tell  me  that  Mr.  Adams  is 
strong  there  —  that  if  left  to  the  People  he  would  get  two 
votes  to  one  —  but  that  as  the  electors  are  chosen  by  the 
legislature,  they  will  probably  vote  for  Clay  or  Jackson  — 
When  however  it  comes  to  the  House,  they  intimate  that 
they  will  not  consider  themselves  bound  to  adhere  to  the 
same  man  whom  their  electors,  thus  chosen,  &  acting  con- 
trary to  the  known  will  of  the  people,  may  vote  for. 

In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Crawford  gives  no  answer  to  the 
caucus  committee  —  He  is  probably  waiting  to  see  what 
New  York  will  do  —  &  if  that  great  state  should  declare  for 
Adams,  Crawford  may  be  considered  much  in  the  same  sit- 
uation with  Calhoun  —  All  in  fact  turns  upon  that  State. 
Clay  is  said  to  be  very  popular  in  the  Western  part  of  it  — 
&  Jackson's  friends  hope,  by  the  aid  of  DeWit  Clinton, 
to  secure  its  votes  for  their  candidate  —  but  from  all  the 
accounts  I  can  get  Adams  is  the  strongest  man  there.82.  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  SALMA  HALE, 
KEENE,  N.  H. 

Dear  Sir  Washington  March  3d  1824. 


I  cannot  help  regarding  the  popularity  of  Gen.  Jackson, 
&  the  probability  (certainly  not  a  slight  one  now)  that  he 

82  The  unsettled  state  of  politics  in  New  York  is  discussed  at  consid- 
erable length  in  J.  D.  Hammond,  History  of  Political  Parties  in  New  York, 


104  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

will  be  President,  as  extremely  discreditable  to  the  Amer- 
ican people.   .   .   . 

Everything  is  here  considered  as  depending  upon  New 
York  —  Should  she  declare  for  Adams,  Crawford  may  be 
considered  as,  in  effect,  withdrawn  from  the  contest,  as 
he  could  not,  in  that  event,  even  come  into  the  house 
among  the  three  highest.  If  he  gets  New  York  he  comes 
into  the  House;  but  even  then  cannot  be  elected  —  If  on 
the  contrary  Adams  gets  New  York  he  will  most  probably 
be  elected  by  the  People ;  &  in  the  House,  supposing  Craw- 
ford out  of  the  way,  there  is  no  doubt  of  his  success.   .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  March  8th  1824. 
Deak  father, 

The  presidential  question  still  hangs  in  doubt.  The 
number  of  Candidates  is  lessening  —  Mr.  Calhoun  is  vir- 
tually, though  not  formally,  withdrawn.  It  is  not  improb- 
able that  Clay  will  also  be  thrown  out  of  the  race.  He  is 
now  endeavouring  to  secure  the  vote  of  New  York  —  but 
in  this  I  do  not  think  he  can  succeed  —  If  he  does  not,  he 
may  resign  all  hopes  of  being  President  at  the  next  election. 
I  saw,  yesterday,  a  list  of  the  members  in  the  Ohio  Legisla- 
ture, in  which  every  man's  name  was  marked,  according  as 
he  was  inclined  to  favour  either  candidates  —  Adams  & 
Clay  had  an  equal  number ;  &  the  remainder  not  more  than 

II,  125-132  and  passim.  See  also  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Rufus  King, 
VI,  504,  518-520;  Daniel  Webster,  Private  Correspondence,  I,  328-329;  Life 
of  Thurlow  Weed  (H.  A.  Weed,  ed.),  I,  102-138;  D.  S.  Alexander,  Political 
History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  I,  321-343. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  105 

eight  or  ten,  were  distributed  among  the  other  candidates  — 
Two  tickets  will  be  run  in  that  state,  one  for  Adams  & 
one  for  Clay;  &  there  is  a  fair  chance  that  the  Yankee 
interest  will  prevail83  —  If  New  York  goes  the  same  way, 
Adams  is  elected  by  the  people.  At  this  time,  New  York 
has  only  one  wise  course  to  pursue  —  &  that  is  to  make 
Adams  president.  The  two  other  great  states,  Pennsyl- 
vania &  Virginia,  have  both  selected  their  candidates  —  If 
Crawford  is  chosen,  he  is  the  Virginia  President ;  if  Jack- 
son, he  owes  his  election  essentially  to  Pennsylvania.  If 
New  York  supports  either  of  these  she  comes  in  to  fight 
under  the  banners  of  her  less  powerful  neighbours.  But  by 
nominating  Adams,  she  secures  his  election,  makes  him  her 
President,  &  thereby  assumes  at  once  that  station,  at  the 
head  of  the  Union,  to  which  she  has  long  aspired,  &  which 
she  would  in  that  event  fairly  occupy.   .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Deak  fathee  Washington  March  8th  1824. 

In  a  conversation  which  I  had  last  week  with  Mr.  Adams, 
he  informed  me  that  he  had  lately  been  written  to  by  a 
leading  man  in  South  Carolina,  who  stated  that  they  were 
about  to  form  an  electoral  ticket  composed  of  persons 
friendly  to  his  election  —  but  they  wanted  first  to  know 
what  were  his  opinions  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff  —  that 
they  hoped  he  was  against  it  altogether,  but  they  would  be 
satisfied  if  he  declared  himself  friendly  to  a  revision  of 
the   tariff,  with   a  view   to   revenue   alone.     He   said  he 

ss  cf.    J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  250,  where  Adams  reports  that  Post- 
master-General McLean  made  a  similar  statement  to  him. 


106  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

thought  himself  called  upon  in  honor  to  give  an  explicit 
answer  to  this  enquiry  —  that  he  had  told  his  correspond- 
ent that  he  was  in  favour  of  the  revision,  not  upon  the 
principle  of  revenue  merely,  but  upon  that  of  protection 
to  American  manufacturers  —  that  such  protection  was 
required  by  the  state  of  the  country,  &  should  be  extended 
as  far  as  was  compatible  with  the  due  encouragement  & 
protection  of  the  other  two  great  interests  of  the  Commu- 
nity, agriculture  &  commerce.  Whether  the  bill  now  be- 
fore Congress  went  further  than  this,  or  fell  short  of  it, 
he  could  not  say,  having  never  examined  it.84 

This  explicit  declaration  of  his  opinion  in  favour  of  a 
certain  degree  of  protection  to  manufactures  will  probably 
operate  against  him  in  the  south,  where  a  very  strong 
feeling  exists  on  this  subject.  It  is  another  proof  of  the 
independence  &  manly  spirit  by  which  Mr.  Adams  is  uni- 
formly governed.  I  do  not  know  that  the  letter  will  be 
published. 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Dear  father,  Washington  March  14th  1824 

Everything  still  remains  uncertain  with  respect  to  New 
York  —  the  accounts  from  that  quarter  are  by  no  means 
favourable  —  The  Senate  has  rejected  the  electoral  law  by 
a  vote  of  17  to  14.  On  a  motion  that  it  is  expedient  to  pass 
an  electoral  law  this  session  the  vote  was  in  the  affirma- 
tive 16  to  15  —  so  that  it  is  probable  some  other  bill  will 

s*  Adams  later  expressed  to  Representative  George  McDuffie  of  South 
Carolina  his  satisfaction  with  the  tariff  act.  Ibid.,  VI,  353.  He  also  ex- 
plained his  stand  on  the  tariff  to  Senator  James  Barbour  of  Virginia. 
IUd.,  VI,  451. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  107 

be  introduced  —  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  any  will  pass 
both  houses.85 .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JK.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  April  1st  1824 
Dear  father, 

The  election  of  governor  does  not  appear  so  certain  as 
we  at  first  thought  it:  but  still  the  probability  is  that 
Morril80  is  elected  —  There  is  one  thing  connected  with  this 
election  which  has  excited  some  distrust.  I  find  much  inter- 
est taken,  by  certain  persons  here,  in  Morril's  success  — 
The  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  were  constantly  enquiring 
whether  he  would  be  elected,  &  expressed  much  anxiety 
that  he  should  prevail  —  Now  it  is  over,  they  speak  of  his 
success  as  the  success  of  Crawford's  party  in  New  Hamp- 
shire—  How  is  this!  Is  he  a  Crawfordite?  Is  this  the 
ground  upon  which  Hill87  has  supported  him!  I  fear  there 
is  some  secret  understanding  on  this  subject.  It  is  certain 
that  Crawford's  friends  here  look  upon  Morril  as  their 
man.  A  Crawford  ticket,  known  &  avowed,  could  not  run 
in  New  Hampshire  —  but  the  danger  is  that  men  will  be 

ss  An  attempt  was  made  to  pass  a  bill  providing  for  the  choice  of 
presidential  electors  by  the  people,  instead  of  by  the  legislature.  See 
J.  D.  Hammond,  History  of  Political  Parties  in  Neiv  York,  II,  130-132, 
140-154;  Martin  Van  Buren,  Autobiography,  142-144;  Life  and  Correspond- 
ence of  Rufus  King,  VI,  519-520. 

ss  David  Lawrence  Morril  was  a  member  of  the  United  States  senate 
from  1817  to  1823.  He  was  a  candidate  for  governor  of  New  Hampshire 
in  1824  and  was  elected  by  the  convention,  there  being  no  choice  by  the 
people.    Two  years  later  he  was  elected  to  the  same  office  by  the  people. 

87  Isaac  Hill,  editor  of  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot.  See  footnote  93, 
below. 


108  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

chosen  for  electors  whose  opinions  are  not  known,  &  who, 
should  circumstances  favour  Crawford,  in  November, 
would  vote  for  him.  We  ought,  therefore,  in  good  reason, 
to  bring  before  the  public  men  whose  opinions  are  known, 
&  whose  characters  would  secure  them  a  general  support. 
If,  as  seems  at  least  possible,  Morril  &  Hill  are  acting  in 
concert  on  this  subject,  they  ought  to  be  watched. 

Mr.  Crawford  has  so  far  recovered  as  to  ride  out,  &  he 
came  into  the  House  today  —  His  situation  is  such  as  to 
satisfy  me  that,  if  there  were  no  other  objection,  he  ought 
never  to  think  of  being  President.  He  has  lost  entirely 
the  use  of  one  eye  —  &  sees  so  imperfectly  with  the  other, 
as  not  to  know  any  person  whose  name  is  not  announced 
to  him  —  He  did  not  know  me  when  I  spoke  to  him  —  While 
I  stood  talking  with  him,  six  or  eight  Members  came  up, 
all  of  them  persons  with  whom  he  had  been  formerly  well 
acquainted;  yet  he  did  not  know  one  of  them  till  some 
person  mentioned  their  names  as  they  shook  hands  with 
him.  He  walks  slowly,  &  like  a  blind  man  —  His  feet  were 
wrapped  up  with  two  or  three  thickness  over  his  shoes  — 
&  he  told  me  that  they  were  cold  &  numb  —  His  recollec- 
tion seemed  to  be  good,  &  he  conversed  freely  —  But  it  is 
the  general  impression  that  a  slight  return  of  his  disorder 
would  prove  fatal  to  him88  —  It  is  eight  or  nine  months 
since  he  was  taken  sick  —  &  five  or  six  since  he  was  so  far 
recovered  as  to  come  from  Virginia  to  this  city  —  nothing, 
but  his  being  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  has  pre- 
vented the  President  from  assigning,  as  he  was  bound  by 
law  to  do,  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  some 
other  person,  temporarially,  at  first;  &  at  the  end  of  six 
months,  to  nominate  some  other  man  to  the  Senate  to  fill 

ss  Cf.  Plumer's  letter  of  April  20,  below. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  109 

the  office89  —  How  monies  are  drawn  from  the  Treasury, 
or  the  necessary  business  done,  nobody  knows  —  It  is  not 
by  Mr.  Crawford  —  it  is  not  by  any  other  responsible  per- 
son —  There  is  a  delicacy  about  mentioning  these  things 
publicly  —  but  if  the  people  knew  the  real  state  of  Mr. 
Crawford's  health,  he  would  be  no  longer  considered  as  a 
candidate.    I  do  not  believe  he  will  be  five  months  hence. 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  April  9th  1824 
Dear  father, 

The  question  which  is  now  most  frequently  asked  is, 
who  will  Mr.  Adams'  friends  support  as  Vice  President? 
General  Jackson  is  undoubtedly  the  best  selection  we  can 
make,  if  he  will  stand,  &  if  being  Adams'  most  formidable 
rival  (as  he  appears  now  to  be)  it  be  not  bad  policy  to  do 
anything  which  may  advance  his  interest  with  the  public.90 
Mr.  Calhoun's  friends  wish  us  to  support  him  —  but  there 
is  some  danger  in  this,  as  well  as  some  impropriety.  An- 
other name,  not  much  mentioned,  but,  in  my  opinion,  pref- 
erable to  any  other,  if  Jackson  is  out  of  the  case,  is  Mr. 

ss  Plumer  appears  to  be  somewhat  in  error.  The  act  states  that  "it 
shall  be  lawful"  for  the  President  to  fill  the  vacancy  temporarily  but  does 
not  make  it  mandatory  upon  him  to  do  so.  See  Act  of  May  8,  1792,  U.  S., 
Statutes  at  Large,  I,  281.  Amended  by  Act  of  February  13,  1795.  Ibid., 
I,  415. 

so  See  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  289;  John  A.  Dix,  Memoirs,  II,  310- 
311.  Senator  Robert  Y.  Hayne,  in  March,  1824,  predicted  that  the  contest 
would  be  a  close  one  between  Jackson  and  Adams.  Thomas  Ruffin, 
Papers,  I,  298-299.  Willie  P.  Mangum  was  certain  that  Jackson  could  not 
be  elected  bul  he  did  not  feel  the  same  certainty  concerning  Adams. 
Ibid.,  I,  300. 


110  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Macon  —  &  it  is  a  fact  that  some  of  his  friends,  though 
Crawf ordites,  wish  us  to  support  him  —  The  result  of  the 
whole  is  that  Jackson  will  be  consulted  on  the  subject  — 
If  he  is  willing  to  be  our  candidate,  so  be  it  —  if  not,  we 
part  with  him  on  fair  terms,  &  probably  take  up  with 
Macon.    .   .    . 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  April  20th  1824. 
Deak  father, 

Perhaps  I  gave  you  too  unfavourable  an  account  of  Mr. 
Crawford  state  of  health.  I  am  told  by  those  who  con- 
verse with  him  that  his  mind  seems  unimpaired  &  active, 
&  that  his  bodily  health  is  improving  —  the  state  of  his 
eyes  however  must  be  very  bad  —  for  he  certainly  neither 
knew  me,  nor  any  other  person,  who  spoke  to  him,  till  our 
names  were  mentioned  —  The  Hall  is  however  rather  dark, 
&  he  set  in  a  part  of  it,  which  did  not  give  him  the  benefit 
of  much  light  —  Neither  he  nor  Gallatin91  has  returned  any 
answer  to  the  caucus  nomination.  Should  he  at  any  time 
see  fit  to  decline,  the  state  of  his  health  would  be  a  suf- 
ficient reason.  But  of  this  there  is  no  probability  while 
New  York  pursues  the  unsteady  &  indicisive  course  which 
has  so  long  disgraced  her  councils  —  The  popular  move- 
ment there  seems  at  present  to  be  in  favour  of  Jackson  — 
Clinton's  friends  are  all  in  his  favour  —  &  there  is  no 
telling  what  effect  this  may  have  —  It  is  not  improbable 
that  it  may  compel  all  those  who  are  against  him  in  that 
state  to  unite  for  Crawford  —  The  legislature  has  betrayed 

9i  Albert  Gallatin  was   the  caucus  nominee  for  vice-president.     See 
Plumer's  letter  of  May  3,  below. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  Ill 

equal  folly  &  baseness,  in  an  act,  which  everybody  con- 
demns here,  the  removal  of  Clinton  from  the  office  of  Canal 
Commissioner,  which  he  has  held,  without  fee  or  reward  & 
with  eminent  advantage  to  the  state,  for  the  last  fourteen 
years  —  It  will  produce  a  strong  reaction  in  his  favour  — 
perhaps  make  him  Governor  —  &  in  the  same  proportion 
help  Jackson.92 .     .     . 


ISAAC  HILL93  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR. 

Dear  Sir:  Concord,  N.  H.  April  22,  1824. 

Your  several  letters  on  the  subject  of  the  Presidency 
have  been  received;  and  I  have  given  them,  particularly 
those  relative  to  a  Congressional  Caucus,  all  that  calm  con- 
sideration which  the  subject  merits.  My  feelings  and  my 
exertions  have  been  too  long  engaged  in  the  republican 
cause  (which  I  have  ever  considered  the  true  cause  of  the 
country)  to  be  made  the  willing  instrument  to  promote  the 
views  of  any  one  man  to  the  sacrifice  of  principle.  Hence 
although  a  majority  of  the  people  of  New  England  should 
say  that  they  prefer  Mr.  Adams  (as  I  do  not  doubt  they 
do)  I  cannot  consent  to  support  his  election  in  opposition 
to  the  person  whom  I  consider  the  regular  republican  can- 

92C/.  Martin  Van  Buren,  Autobiography,  142-144;  Hammond,  History 
of  Political  Parties  in  New  York,  II,  159-175. 

93  Isaac  Hill,  to  whom  reference  has  already  been  made  (see  foot- 
notes 43  and  87,  above),  besides  editing  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot  for 
twenty  years,  held  a  number  of  political  posts.  Defeated  for  the  United 
States  senate  in  1828,  he  was  appointed  second  comptroller  of  the  United 
States,  1829-1830.  He  was  elected  to  the  senate  as  a  democrat  and  after 
serving  from  December  5,  1831  to  May  28,  1836,  he  resigned  to  become 
governor  of  New  Hampshire,  1836-1839.  He  was  United  States  sub-treas- 
urer at  Boston  from  1840  to  1841.  Returning  to  the  journalistic  field,  he 
was  editor  and  publisher  of  Hill's  New  Hampshire  Patriot  from  1840  to 
1847.    He  died  at  Washington  in  1851. 


112  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

didate.  You  may  perhaps  smile  at  the  naming  of  a  "reg- 
ular candidate",  and  reiterate  that  Mr.  Crawford  was 
nominated  by  a  "partial  caucus".  But  you  must  admit 
that  this  was  not  the  fault  of  Mr.  Crawford's  friends. 
Suppose  a  convention  called  in  our  county  of  Rockingham 
to  nominate  a  candidate  for  Councillor,  and  that  two  thirds 
or  any  number  of  towns  fail  to  send  their  delegates.  Could 
it  be  urged  that  the  nomination  was  not  "regular",  be- 
cause those  towns  did  not  think  proper  to  do  their  duty? 
The  true  reason  why  the  friends  of  other  candidates  did 
not  attend  the  Congressional  Caucus  I  conceive  to  be  — 
that  those  friends,  by  previous  caucusing  (call  it  consul- 
tation if  you  please)  found  their  candidate  had  not  so  many 
supporters  as  would  give  him  a  probable  chance  to  obtain 
the  vote  in  caucus ;  and  that  they  had  rather  ' '  keep  up  the 
division",  prevent  a  choice  by  the  people,  and  ultimately 
give  the  election  to  the  House  by  states,  where  the  repre- 
sentatives of  a  small  minority  might  control  the  result. 
It  would  certainly  make  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot  differ 
from  all  its  doctrines  from  1809  through  the  war  up  to  this 
time  —  it  would  be  an  outrage  on  all  my  former  opinions  — 
now  to  condemn  the  Congressional  Caucus,  and  to  abuse 
those  men  who  had  the  independence,  amidst  the  hisses  of 
federalists  and  the  opponents  of  the  old  democratic  party, 
to  go  forward  fearlessly  and  propose  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Talk  not 
how  few  were  there  —  say  not  that  so  many  States  refused 
to  participate;  but  rather  let  the  blame  rest  on  those  who 
were  only  anxious  to  conceal  the  weakness  of  their  candi- 
date by  preventing  his  friends  and  the  friends  of  other 
candidates  (together  with  those  who  never  go)  from  going 
into  caucus. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  113 

There  seems  to  be  something  inexplicable  and  contra- 
dictory in  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Adams  himself.  We 
see  it  asserted  in  the  papers,  that  Mr.  A.  has  declared  he 
would  not  be  a  candidate  if  nominated  by  a  Congressional 
caucus;  has  he  changed  his  opinion  since  he  attended  and 
voted  for  Mr.  Madison  at  a  former  Congressional  Caucus!94 
We  see  it  published  in  a  Virginia  paper  "on  authority' ' 
that  Mr.  Adams  had  always  been  opposed  to  restriction  on 
the  unfortunate  Missouri  question,  believing  Congress  by 
the  Constitution  had  no  power  to  lay  such  restriction :  why 
was  not  this  opinion  before  promulgated,  when  a  knowledge 
of  the  fact  might  have  tended  to  allay  much  of  the  prejudice 
and  ill  will  which  existed!  You  certainly  did  not  so  under- 
stand Mr.  Adams,  when  you  wrote  me  three  years  ago, 
that  Mr.  A  did  not  approve  the  course  the  Patriot  had 
taken  on  that  question  and  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff.95 

It  is  vain  to  allege,  that  because  the  federalists  have  not 
a  candidate,  there  is  no  necessity  for  a  concentration  of 
the  republican  voice  in  the  election  of  President.  The  con- 
viction will  speedily  come  home  to  every  bosom  that  the 
present  time  is  one  most  auspicious  to  the  federal  party  — 
that  they  can  accomplish  more  by  divisions  among  the 
republicans  than  they  ever  have  done  in  any  former  time. 
There  was  no  federal  candidate  against  Madison  in  1812; 
yet  it  is  apparent  to  all,  if  the  republican  Mr.  Clinton96  had 
been  elected,  the  federal  party  would  have  triumphed,  and 
probably  ruined  the  country.  So  now  if  federalists  can 
prevent  a  choice  —  if  by  corrupt  bargaining  they  can  make 
up  an  administration  where  Daniel  Webster  and  H.   G. 

s*  See  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  I,  506-507. 

95  See  Adams's  letter  to  Plumer,  May  3,  below,  with  appended  extract 
from  Adams's  diary  under  date  of  February  23,  1820. 

96  George  Clinton,  vice-president,  1805-1812. 


114         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Otis  shall  have  more  influence  than  the  most  distinguished 
and  worthy  republicans  of  New  England  —  you  will  find 
the  very  next  election  will  secure  to  the  federalists  all  they 
ever  wished,  and  to  the  republicans,  not  only  the  morti- 
fication of  defeat,  but  the  oppression  and  proscription 
which  they  have  always  dreaded. 

These  are  some  of  my  views  relative  to  the  Presidential 
question,  given  in  great  haste.  You  are  at  liberty  to  ex- 
hibit them  to  the  members  of  our  State,  as  furnishing  my 
apology  to  them  for  the  course  I  have  taken,  and  intend 
hereafter  to  take. 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  April  26,  1824 
Dear  father, 

You  will  have  perceived,  by  the  newspapers,  that  the 
Clintonians  in  New  York  are  endeaving  to  put  up  a  party 
there  in  favour  of  Jackson  —  But  it  is  not  certain  that 
this  endeavour  will  long  continue.  An  agent  of  Clinton 
came  here,  three  or  four  weeks  ago,  &  has  just  left  the 
city.  His  first  object  is  said  to  have  been  to  obtain  a 
pledge  from  Jackson,  that,  in  case  of  his  success,  Clinton 
should  be  Secretary  of  State  —  but  Jackson  is  reported  to 
have  replied  that  Adams  should  hold  that  office,  if  he 
would  accept  it  under  him,  in  preference  to  any  other  per- 
son —  The  next  attempt  of  this  agent  was  to  see  if  he  could 
persuade  the  New  York  members,  unfriendly  to  Crawford, 
to  unite  for  Jackson ;  but  in  this  also  he  failed  —  He  then 
sought  an  interview  with  Mr.  Adams  —  To  him  he  ex- 
pressed his  conviction  that  the  opponents  of  Crawford  in 
New  York  must   unite   for  Adams  —  &  then   asked   Mr. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  115 

Adams  what  his  feelings  were  towards  Mr.  Clinton  —  Mr. 
Adams  replied  that  he  had  no  unfriendly  feelings  towards 
him  —  that  he  had  the  highest  opinion  of  his  talents,  pa- 
triotism, &  public  spirit  —  &  that  he  felt  shame  for  his 
country  at  the  disgraceful  act  of  the  New  York  legislature 
in  turning  Clinton  out  of  the  office  of  Canal  Commis- 
sioner—  But  he  did  not,  as  I  understood  it,  give  him  any 
assurances  as  to  bringing  Clinton  into  the  Administration, 
if  he  should  be  President  —  I  had  this  account  from  Mr. 
Adams  himself  —  He  thinks  that  Clinton's  object  now  is  to 
be  governor  of  New  York  —  that  he,  of  course,  wishes  the 
support  of  Adams'  friends  in  that  state  —  &  is  willing  in 
exchange  to  give  his  support  to  Adams  as  President97  — 
Whether  anything  will  come  of  this,  time  must  show  — 
Jackson  has  placed  much  reliance  on  the  support  of  the 
Clintonians  in  New  York  —  &,  if  Adams  were  out  of  the 
way,  would  no  doubt  be  willing  to  make  him  Secretary  of 
State  —  or  perhaps  of  the  Treasury  —  but  then  he  would 
expect  in  advance  the  vote  of  New  York  —  &  this  it  is  not 
at  all  probable  he  will  or  can  receive  —  Whether  Adams 
would  be  Secretary  under  Jackson  I  do  not  know  —  He 
once  told  me  that  he  could  not  hold  it  under  any  man  who 
might  succeed  Mr.  Monroe  —  but  from  all  I  have  observed 
I  think  he  would  under  Jackson  —  or  at  least,  I  think  he 
means  to  wait  —  &  not  determine  till  the  time  comes  — 
Under  Crawford,  Clay,  or  Calhoun  he  could  not  serve  — 

97  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  292-294,  302,  where  Adams  reports 
at  considerable  length  the  activities  and  proposals  of  a  certain  "Mr. 
Moore"  who  was  in  Washington  in  the  interests  of  DeWitt  Clinton.  In 
December,  1824,  Adams  admitted  to  General  Jacob  Brown  the  importance 
of  "a  good  understanding  between  Mr.  Clinton's  friends  and  mine,"  and 
added  that  "the  only  person  to  be  convinced  was  Mr.  Clinton  himself." 
IUd.,  VI,  441-442. 


116  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

The  above  account  of  Jackson's  answer  to  Clinton's 
agent  —  does  not  rest  upon  as  certain  information  as  the 
other  facts.  By  some  it  is  said  that  Jackson  declined  giving 
any  pledge  to  Clinton,  more  than  the  general  assurance 
of  good  will,  friendship,  &c.  which  he  has  always  expressed 
towards  Clinton —   .   .    . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  May  3d  1824. 
Deak  father, 

You  express  surprise  that  the  Crawford  caucus  should 
have  nominated  Gallatin  for  Vice  President.  If  they  had  a 
new  nomination  to  make,  they  would  now  select  a  different 
man  —  It  is  easy  to  see  what  was  their  design  —  The  three 
greatest  states  are  New  York  Virginia  &  Pennsylvania  — 
&  it  was  justly  concluded  by  Crawford's  friends  that  the 
union  of  these  three,  with  the  strength  which  he  might 
otherwise  command,  would  secure  his  election  —  Virginia 
they  considered  safe,  because  he  is,  in  fact  the  Virginia 
candidate  —  New  York  was,  if  possible,  to  be  secured  by 
elaborate  system  of  intrigue  with  its  legislature  —  &  Penn- 
sylvania, it  was  confidently  anticipated,  would  be  induced 
to  join  the  coalition  for  the  sake  of  making  Gallatin  Vice 
President  —  Hence  his  return  from  France  at  the  precise 
moment,98  &  his  nomination  by  the  Caucus  —  But  the  ap- 

ss  Gallatin  was  appointed  minister  to  France  in  1815.  His  probable 
nomination  as  vice-president  on  the  ticket  with  Crawford  is  disclosed  in 
a  letter  from  Romulus  M.  Saunders  to  Bartlett  Yancey,  December  17, 
1823.  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications,  Vol.  X,  No.  2,  pp.  39-40.  For 
the  circumstances  leading  to  Gallatin's  withdrawal  from  the  race,  see 
Albert  Gallatin,  Writings  (Henry  Adams,  ed.),  II,  293,  296-299.  Cf.  Niles' 
Register,  XXVII,  113,  147-148. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  117 

pearance  of  Jackson  in  the  field,  &  the  dexterity  of  Cal- 
houn's friends  in  uniting  their  names  together,  defeated 
all  these  designs  —  &  Gallatin  now  hangs  a  dead  weight 
on  the  caucus  ticket  —  I  think  it  may  be  set  down  as  certain 
that  at  least  two  thirds  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
have  made  up  their  minds  against  Mr.  Crawford's  being 
President.  Who  they  will  elect  is  not  altogether  so  cer- 
tain—  .   .   . 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER  JE. 

Washington  26  July  1824 
Dear  Sir, 

The  health  of  Mr.  Crawford  is  so  far  restored,  that  there 
is  now  no  probability  that  he  will  be  withdrawn  as  a  Can- 
didate for  the  Presidency.  His  convalescence  has  not  been 
quite  so  rapid  as  his  particular  friends  have  desired  and 
represented,  but  it  has  been  for  nearly  two  months  steadily 
advancing.  He  has  removed  to  a  residence  two  or  three 
miles  distant  from  the  City,  and  daily  transacts  business  at 
his  residence  —  Excepting  the  single  contingency  of  a  pos- 
sible relapse,  it  is  probable  he  will  be  completely  restored 
before  the  next  meeting  of  Congress.  His  political  pros- 
pects, so  far  as  I  can  judge  remain  much  as  they  were  from 
last  Valentine's  day;  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Forward  of 
Pennsylvania,  who  has  turned  backward  to  his  cause,  and 
now  pushes  for  General  Jackson  —  ... 

I  subjoin  a  copy  of  the  entry  in  my  Dairy  of  my  Con- 
versation with  you  and  Mr.  Livermore,  relating  to  the 
Missouri  question  on  the  23d  of  February  1820. 

23d.  A.  Livermore  and  W.  Plumer,  Junr.,  members 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  New  Hampshire, 


118         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

called  upon  me,  and,  conversing  on  the  Missouri  slave 
question,  which  at  this  time  agitates  Congress  and  the  na- 
tion, asked  my  opinion  of  the  propriety  of  agreeing  to  a 
compromise.  The  division  in  Congress  and  the  nation  is 
nearly  equal  on  both  sides.  The  argument  on  the  free  side 
is,  the  moral  and  political  duty  of  preventing  the  extension 
of  slavery  in  the  immense  country  from  the  Mississippi 
Eiver  to  the  South  Sea.  The  argument  on  the  slave  side 
is,  that  Congress  have  no  power  by  the  Constitution  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  any  States,  and,  the  zealots  say,  not 
in  any  Territory.  The  proposed  compromise  is  to  admit 
Missouri,  and  hereafter  Arkansas,  as  States,  without  any 
restriction  upon  them  regarding  slavery,  but  to  prohibit 
the  future  introduction  of  slaves  in  all  Territories  of  the 
United  States  north  of  36°  30'  latitude.  I  told  these  gen- 
tlemen that  my  opinion  was,  the  question  could  be  settled 
no  otherwise  than  by  a  compromise.  The  regulation,  ex- 
clusion, or  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  system  of  our  Union 
is  among  the  powers  reserved  to  the  people  of  the  several 
States  by  their  separate  Governments,  though  I  have  no 
doubt  that  Congress  have  Constitutional  powers  to  prohibit 
any  internal  traffic  in  slaves  between  one  State  and  an- 
other. In  the  States  where  slavery  does  not  exist,  neither 
Congress,  nor  the  State  Legislature,  nor  the  people  have 
any  rightful  power  to  establish  it.  For  the  admission  into 
the  Union  of  a  State  where  no  slavery  exists,  Congress 
may  prescribe  as  a  condition  that  slavery  shall  never  be 
established  in  it,  as  they  have  done  to  the  States  of  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  Illinois ;  but  where  it  exists,  and  where  there 
are  already  slaves  in  great  numbers,  as  in  Missouri  and 
Arkansas,  the  power  of  extirpating  it  is  not  given  to  Con- 
gress by  the  Constitution.     To  proscribe  slavery,  there- 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  119 

fore,  in  Missouri  or  Arkansas,  I  believe  to  be  impractic- 
able. But  if  a  provision  can  be  obtained  excluding  the  in- 
troduction of  slaves  into  future  Territories,  it  will  be  a 
great  and  important  point  secured.  I  apprehend,  how- 
ever, that  Livermore  and  Plumer  did  not  concur  with  me 
in  my  opinion." 


WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  7th  1824. 
Dear  father, 

I  had  a  conversation  today  with  Mr.  Webster  —  He  came 
to  my  seat,  &  began  by  asking  me  what  I  intended  to  do 
with  myself  after  the  close  of  the  present  session.  .  .  . 
He  said  that  I  must  remain  in  public  life100  —  ...  that  we 
must  act  with  firmness,  yet  with  moderation  in  the  presi- 
dential election,  supporting  Mr.  Adams,  yet  not  quarreling 
with  Gen.  Jackson  —  that  if  Adams  succeeded,  all  was 
well  —  if  Jackson,  the  north,  by  not  quarreling  with  him, 
would  come  in  for  her  share  in  the  administration.  He 
said  that  he  had  sought  nobody's  alliance,  &  nobody  had 
sought  his  —  but  that  he  might  perhaps  be  thought  of 
among  others  in  forming  the  new  list  of  appointments 
under  the  next  president  —  I  asked  him  if  he  expected  one 
of  the  Departments  —  He  said,  no,  I  have  no  wish  or  ex- 
pectation of  coming  to  Washington  in  any  capacity,  except 
as  a  member  of  this  House  —  The  mission  to  London  then 
is  your  object,  said  I  to  him  —  Why,  said  he,  perhaps  it 

99  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  IV,  529-530. 

100  On  June  5,  1824,  Webster  had  written  to  Ezekiel  Webster  that  he 
had  a  high  regard  for  Plumer  and  expressed  the  hope  that  Plumer  could 
be  kept  in  congress.    See  Letters,  106-107. 


120         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

would  be  idle  in  me  to  shoot  my  arrow  so  high  —  but  —  at 
this  moment  a  motion  was  made  for  the  House  to  adjourn. 
"Webster  added  that  he  would  talk  with  me  again  on  the 
subject  —  but  that  what  he  wanted  me  to  understand,  in 
short,  &  at  once,  was,  that  we  two  should  so  act  together 
as  mutually  to  assist  each  other,  as  far  as  might  be 
proper.   .   .   . 

Some  things  are  plain,  First,  he  wishes  to  go  Minister 
to  London  —  Secondly,  for  this  purpose,  he  means  to  take 
no  very  decided  course  in  relation  to  the  Presidency,  so 
that,  whoever  succeeds,  he  may  stand  well  with  the  next 
administration101 —  .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  9th  1824. 
Dear  father, 

I  called  upon  Mr.  Adams  yesterday,  or  the  day  before, 
&  had  some  conversation  with  him  on  the  question  of  the 
Presidency102  —  He  said  that  the  present  state  of  the  votes 
was  one  calculated  to  show  the  North  what  was  the 
southern  &  western  policy  —  At  the  north,  we  had  our 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  —  but  we  did  not  even  think 
of  a  Vice  President  from  among  ourselves  —  but  voted 
for  a  Southern  or  a  Western  man  —  At  the  South,  on  the 
contrary,  the  friends  of  Crawford  supported  Macon;  the 
friends  of  Jackson,  Calhoun  —  all  southern  men,  all  slave 
holders  —  the    north    was    to    having    nothing  —  by    this 

101  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  442:  "Plumer  mentioned  to  me  a 
late  conversation  that  he  had  with  Webster,  who  is  panting  for  the  mis- 
sion to  London,  and  sounding  Plumer's  hopes  and  purposes."  Webster 
regarded  Adams's  chance  of  success  the  best.    Letters,  108. 

102  There  is  no  report  of  this  conversation  in  Adams's  Memoirs. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  121 

double  conspiracy,  of  the  south  &  the  west,  the  north  was 
proscribed  —  it  was  not  the  man,  but  the  country  which 
they  disliked  —  This  state  of  things  had  united  the  north ; 
&  that  unison  must  ultimately,  if  not  now,  insure  us  suc- 
cess—  As  to  the  state  of  things  in  Congress,  he  looked 
upon  New  England  as  fixed  —  there  was  no  state  which 
could  desert  him  —  New  York,  he  thought,  might  he  relied 
upon  as  also  secured.103  Now  with  this  strength  we  are 
stronger  than  any  other  party  —  Jackson  received  fewer 
votes  from  the  people  in  Maryland  than  Adams  did  in  New 
Jersey,  Jackson  succeeded  only  by  the  help  of  Clay's  & 
Crawford's  friends  —  &  In  North  Carolina,  by  the  aid  of 
Adams  friends  —  Adams  succeeded,  no  where,  but  upon  his 
own  strength  —  his  party  is  therefore  homogeneous,  solid, 
divided  by  no  conflicting  interests  —  Take  from  Jackson 
the  votes  which  the  friends  of  other  candidates  gave  him 
&  he  falls  below  Adams  —  Our  policy  then,  said  Mr.  Adams, 
is  to  stand  still  —  to  make  no  advances  to  any  party  —  if 
they  can  make  a  President  among  themselves,  let  them  do 
it  —  we  are  one  —  they  are  divided  —  &  if  we  stand  firm, 
our  union  &  our  numbers  must  finally  prevail  over  their 
divided  forces  —  He  spoke  of  Crawford,  as  being  entirely 
out  of  the  case  —  The  Caucus  had  destroyed  him  — 
As  little  favour  as  he  had  found  with  Congress,  he  had 
found  still  less  with  the  people  —  &  the  former  could  not 
now  take  him  up,  after  the  latter  had  so  decidedly  dis- 
carded him  —  He  spoke  of  Calhoun  as  having  acted  a  very 
selfish  part  —  &  seemed  to  think  that  he  would  never  get 
higher  than  the  Vice  Presidency  —  He  seemed  particularly 

103  Adams,  however,  was  considerably  worried  over  the  possibility  of 
Clinton's  friends  supporting  another  candidate.  Memoirs,  VI,  441-442, 
443-444. 


122         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

anxious  that  his  friends  should  make  no  advances  to  those 
of  other  candidates  —  Stand  still,  &  see  what  they  will  do  — 
We  cannot  go  to  Crawford  —  for  even  if  we  did,  we 
could  not  make  him  President  —  &  to  join  Jackson  is  un- 
necessary —  he  is  already  but  too  strong  —  On  the  whole, 
Mr.  Adams  seemed  neither  confident  of  success,  nor  dis- 
posed to  despond  —  In  my  opinion,  the  election  rests 
greatly  with  Ohio  —  If  she  refuses  to  support  Jackson,  he 
is  no  longer  able  to  succeed  without  the  support  of  states 
which,  in  that  event,  he  cannot  get  —  As  far  as  I  can  learn, 
the  Ohio  members  are  still  undecided  —  If  Clay  comes  into 
the  House,  which  is  uncertain,  they  are  for  him  —  &  next 
to  him,  if  left  to  themselves,  for  Adams  —  ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
m 
Dear  father  Washington  December  15th  1824 

I  am  glad  to  find  that  Mr.  Adams  had  all  the  votes  in 
New  Hampshire,  as  this  makes  his  strength  entire  in  New 
England  —  But  little  that  can  be  relied  upon  is  yet  said 
among  the  Members  respecting  the  Presidency  —  If  the 
real  wishes  of  the  members  were  known,  I  have  no  doubt 
that  Jackson  would  be  found  in  a  lean  minority  —  but 
many  will  vote  for  him  because  their  constituents  have 
done  so  —  Mr.  Forward  of  Pennsylvania  told  me  yesterday 
that  a  majority  of  his  colleagues  would  be  glad  to  vote  for 
Adams,  but  they  could  not  do  it  —  By  some  it  is  said  that 
Crawford's  friends  have  not  yet  given  up  all  hopes  of  his 
success  —  but  I  cannot  think  they  have  themselves  any 
expectations  of  carrying  him  —  What  they  will  finally  do 
is  unknown —   .    .    . 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  123 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  16th  1824. 
Dear  father, 

The  news  from  Louisiana  makes  it  now  certain  that 
Crawford,  &  not  Clay,  will  came  in  to  the  House;  as  the 
third  candidate,  with  Jackson  &  Adams104  —  In  conversa- 
tion with  Gen.  McArthur105  of  Ohio,  he  told  me,  that  the 
delegation  of  that  state  were  about  equally  divided  between 
Adams  &  Jackson  —  &  he  could  not  tell  how  they  would 
finally  go  —  They  balance  between  the  wish  to  have  a 
Western  President  now,  in  the  person  of  Jackson,  whom 
they  do  not  much  like;  &  the  certainty  of  having  Clay,  by 
the  aid  of  the  northern  states,  at  some  future  period  —  It 
is  in  fact  very  much  in  Clay's  power  to  make  the  Presi- 
dent—  If  he  says  Jackson,  the  nine  Western  states  are 
united  at  once  for  him  —  If  he  says  Adams,  two  or  three 
Western  states  fall  off  —  &  Jackson  must  fail;  unless  in- 
deed, (which  seems  not  at  all  probable,)  all  Crawford's 
friends  join  him —   .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  24,  1824 
Dear  father, 

I  called  again  today  upon  Mr.  Adams106  —  He  seemed  to 
be  in  much  better  spirits  than  when  I  saw  him  before,  or 
rather  to  entertain  more  expectation  of  success  than  he 

io4(7/.  Henry  Clay,  Works,  IV,  108:  "The  result  in  Louisiana  did 
not  surprise  or  affect  me.  There  was  much  misfortune  attending  it  nev- 
ertheless."   See  also  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  446. 

105  Representative  Duncan  McArthur. 

106  Adams  mentioned  Plumer's  visit  but  did  not  record  the  conversa- 
tion.   Memoirs,  VI,  453. 


124         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

appeared  then  to  indulge.  He  said,  among  other  things, 
that  he  had  received  overtures,  more  or  less  distinct,  both 
from  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  &  Mr.  Clay  —  From  the 
Virginia  delegation  he  had  assurances  that,  after  voting 
two  or  three  times  for  Mr.  Crawford,  they  would  vote  for 
him  rather  than  Jackson107  —  The  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  held 
out  the  idea  that  they  should  perhaps  vote  for  him  in  the 
first  instance;  &  thus  secure  his  election  at  the  first  ballot, 
leaving  the  friends  of  Jackson  &  of  Crawford  in  the  mi- 
nority —  They  made  their  thirteen  states  out  thus  —  New 
England  six,  New  York  seven,  Ohio  eight,  Indiana  nine, 
Illinois  ten,  Kentucky  eleven,  Missouri  twelve,  &  Louisiana 
.thirteen  —  In  this  event  Clay's  friends  would  have  the 
merit  of  making  Adams  President;  &  have  it  all  to  them- 
selves, without  participation  with  any  other  party  —  The 
result  would,  in  their  opinion,  be  to  put  down  Jackson  & 
Crawford,  &  put  Clay  up  for  the  next  President  —  Nothing 
very  precise  or  definite  had  been  yet  promised  by  these 
people  —  but  the  probability  of  their  taking  this  course 
had  been  mentioned  to  him,  as  I  understood  Mr.  Adams, 
by  one  or  more  of  Clay's  confidential  friends108  —  It  is  an 
essential  part  of  this  plan,  as  conceived  by  Clay,  to  throw 
Virginia  &  the  South  into  the  minority,  &  consequently 
into  an  opposition  to  the  new  administration  —  Crawford's 
friends,   on  the  contrary,  particularly.  Virginia,  wish  to 

107  Senator  James  Barbour  had  so  assured  Adams.    Ibid.,  VI,  450. 

108  Representative  Robert  P.  Letcher  was  the  most  active  of  Clay's 
friends  in  approaching  Adams.  Letcher  and  Adams  held  several  conver- 
sations along  the  line  indicated  by  Adams  to  Plumer.  See  ibid.,  VI,  446- 
447,  452-453.  Clay  himself  had  expressed  the  opinion  as  early  as  February 
23,  1824,  that  in  case  he  were  eliminated  from  the  race,  Adams  would  get 
the  vote  of  the  northwestern  states  and  would  have  the  best  chance  of 
winning  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Maryland,  "to  say  nothing  of  Ala- 
bama, Mississippi,  and  Louisiana."    Works,  IV,  87. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  125 

come  in,  &  have  it  said  that  they  made  the  President,  but 
not  on  the  first  ballot,  nor  till  they  have  shown,  by  the 
state  of  the  votes,  that  Crawford  is  clearly  out  of  the  case  — 
On  the  whole,  I  think  things  favourable  to  Mr.  Adams' 
ultimate  success  —  The  moderate  men  are  against  Jack- 
son —  They  know  that  he  is  incompetent ;  &  they  feel  that 
he  would  be  unsafe  —  Mr.  Jefferson  &  Mr.  Madison  have 
both  declared  recently  against  General  Jackson  —  Madison 
without  saying  whom  he  would  prefer  —  Jefferson  says 
that,  though  he  had,  on  the  whole,  preferred  Crawford,  he 
thinks  Mr.  Adams  a  very  safe  man;  &  should  have  no  ob- 
jection to  see  the  government  in  his  hands  —  Against  Jack- 
son, he  spoke  in  a  very  pointed  manner  —  This  I  had  from 
Mr.  Webster,  who  has  just  returned  from  his  visit  to  the 
two  Presidents109 — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  December  25th  1824. 
Dear  father, 

I  had  lately  a  long  conversation  with  Mr.  M'Lane110  of 
Delaware  on  the  election  of  President  —  He  holds  the  \rote 
of  a  state  in  his  hands  —  &  has  always  been  known  as  the 
friend  of  Mr.  Crawford  —  In  this  conversation,  he  seemed 
to  go  upon  the  supposition  that  Mr.  Crawford  was  now  out 
of  the  case  —  He  did  not  say  so  directly,  but  his  remarks 

109  For  Jefferson's  opposition  to  Jackson,  see  Daniel  Webster,  Private 
Correspondence,  I,  371.  See  also  Bassett,  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  I,  329. 
Madison's  attitude  toward  Jackson  is  discussed  in  Gaillard  Hunt,  Life  of 
James  Madison,  364-365. 

no  Representative  Louis  McLane,  the  only  member  of  the  house  from 
his  state. 


126  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

seemed  to  imply  it  —  He  expressed  himself  with  great 
force  against  Jackson  &  Calhoun  —  &  said  that  he  could 
not,  at  any  rate,  vote  for  Jackson  —  It  follows,  almost  of 
course,  that  he  will  ultimately  be  for  Adams  —  He  said 
that  Adams  was  not  popular  in  Delaware,  &  that  Crawford 
was  —  &  that  he  could  not  do  anything  which  would  be 
more  popular  at  home  than  to  vote  for  Crawford  to  the  end, 
even  though  every  other  state  deserted  him  —  but  as  to 
popularity,  he  said,  he  did  not  regard  that  —  ...  On  the 
whole  I  think  Delaware  may  be  set  down  to  Adams  in  the 
last  resort  —  It  is  possible  that  M'Lane  may  feel  himself 
bound  to  do  as  the  other  Crawfordites  think  most  expe- 
dient, whatever  that  course  may  be  —  but  left  to  himself  he 
inclines  certainly  to  Adams  — 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  4th  1825 
Dear  father, 

New  facts  &  views,  favourable  to  the  final  success  of  Mr. 
Adams,  are  every  day  coming  to  light.  The  States  of  Ohio, 
Kentucky,  &  Missouri  are  all  prepared  to  go  as  they  think 
will  be  most  advantageous  to  Mr.  Clay  —  or,  in  other  words, 
as  he  shall  direct.  It  happens  too  that,  though  Clay  has 
but  two  friends  among  the  members  from  Maryland,  those 
two  have  the  vote  of  the  state  in  their  hands  —  Three  of 
their  members  are  for  Jackson,  three  for  Adams,  two  for 
Clay,  &  one  for  Crawford  —  The  Clay  men  can  of  course 
turn  the  scale;  &  one  of  them  (Warfield)111  told  me  yes- 
terday that  they  should  go  with  Clay's  friends  in  the  west, 

in  Henry  R.  Warfield. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  127 

whether  they  went  for  Adams  or  for  Jackson  —  Clay  then 
may  be  considered  as  having  four  states  at  his  command  — 
How  then  will  Mr.  Clay  decide?  Every  consideration 
of  policy,  as  well  as  of  justice,  points  to  a  union  with 
Adams,  that  he  &  his  friends  see  this,  is  evident  even  to 
the  most  superficial  observers  here  —  A  thousand  little  in- 
cidents show  that  they  will  not  mistake  their  true  interest 
in  this  occasion  —  But  I  have  better  proof  than  this  of  the 
course  they  mean  to  pursue  —  I  called  upon  Mr.  Adams 
yesterday112  —  &  had  considerable  conversation  with  him 
on  the  subject  —  Among  other  facts  which  speak  loudly  on 
this  subject,  he  told  me  that,  at  the  public  dinner  given  to 
LaFayette,  on  the  first  of  January,  he  set  next  to  Mr.  Clay, 
who  was  remarkably  civil,  &  attentive  to  him,  &  in  the 
course  of  the  dinner  said  to  him,  in  a  whisper,  that  he 
wished  to  see  him  in  private,  &  have  a  free  &  confidential 
conversation  with  him113  —  Mr.  Adams  replied  that  he 
should  be  happy  to  see  him  whenever  he  should  find  it  con- 
venient to  call  upon  him  —  Clay  replied  that  he  would  do 
so  in  a  few  days  —  They  have  not  yet  met  —  It  is  not 
possible  to  mistake  Clay's  object  in  this  interview  —  He 
sees  that  his  interest  leads  him  to  join  Adams  —  But  he 
knows  his  own  importance,  &  does  not  mean  to  throw  him- 
self blindly  into  any  man's  power  till  he  knows  what  will 
be  his  reception  —  He  means  therefore  to  see  Mr.  Adams ; 
to  learn  what  he  is  to  expect  from  him,  in  the  event  of  his 
success;  &  then  to  determine  on  the  course  he  shall  finally 
pursue  —  He  has  succeeded  in  bringing  a  majority  of  the 
members  from  at  least  four  states  to  that  equipoise  of 

112  Adams  refers  to  a  conversation  with  Plumer  on  January  4.     Me- 
moirs, VI,  459-460. 

us  Cf.  ibid.,  VI,  457. 


128  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

opinion,  in  which  his  own  weight  will  be  sufficient  to  turn 
them  either  way  —  If  they  vote  for  Adams,  the  vote  will 
stand  thus  —  New  England  six,  New  York,  seven,  Ohio 
eight,  Kentucky  nine,  Missouri  ten,  Maryland  eleven  — 
Two  more  states  only  are  wanting  —  But  in  the  end,  I 
think  we  may  calculate,  with  considerable  confidence,  upon 
Virginia,  Delaware,  Illinois,  &  Louisiana  —  which  is  two 
more  than  is  necessary  for  a  choice.  On  the  contrary  if 
Clay  goes  off,  with  his  four  states,  we  should  still  be  strong 
enough  with  the  aid  of  New  Jersey  &  North  Carolina  — 
the  former  state  is  still  undecided,  leaning,  I  think,  to  Mr. 
Adams  —  &  the  latter,  being  principally  Crawf ordites,  are 
much  more  likely  to  go  with  Virginia,  in  support  of  Adams, 
than  to  vote  for  Jackson,  between  whom  &  Crawford's 
friends  there  is  much  hostility  —  On  the  whole  things  look 
well  for  the  final  result ;  though  it  is  mortifying  to  see,  how 
much  personal  interest  prevails  over  principle  —  the  ambi- 
tion of  a  few  individuals  over  a  regard  for  the  public 
good  —  in  this  whole  affair  —  A  very  striking  instance  of 
this,  may  be  mentioned  in  the  course  pursued  by  De  Wit 
Clinton,  in  relation  to  this  election  —  Last  summer,  he 
sought,  &  received  the  aid  of  Mr.  Adams'  friends  in  New 
York,  to  make  him  governor  —  &  without  that  aid,  he  would 
not  have  succeeded  —  Now,  he  is  writing  letters  to  his 
friends  here,  advising  them  to  support  Jackson114  —  He  is 
supposed  to  reason  thus  with  himself  —  "If  Adams  suc- 
ceeds, I  shall  never  be  President  —  because  the  North  can- 
not give  two  Presidents  in  succession  —  If  Jackson  suc- 
ceeds, I  shall  be  Secretary  of  State,  &  may  be  Presi- 
dent "  —  I  ought  however  to  mention  that  others  say  he  has 

114  Cf.  ibid.,  VI,  470,  where  Adams  makes  a  similar  accusation  against 
Clinton. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  129 

written  in  favour  of  Adams  —  that  he  has  written  in  favour 
of  Jackson  is  certain  —  if  for  Adams  also,  he  is  playing  a 
double  game  —  Perhaps  in  this  view  of  the  conduct  of  our 
leading  men,  I  am  too  uncharitable,  in  tracing  their  conduct 
to  such  selfish  motives  —  but  I  have  endeavoured  to  state 
facts  as  I  find  them  —  &  with  respect  to  motives,  I  leave  you 
to  judge  of  them  —  It  is  fair  however  to  state  with  respect 
to  Clay's  friends,  that  they  profess  to  attach  less  impor- 
tance to  men  than  to  measures  —  Give  us,  they  say,  a  man 
who  is  for  internal  improvement ;  &  we  do  not  care  whether 
he  is  from  the  east  or  the  west  —     ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  7th  1825 
Dear  father, 

It  begins  now  to  be  believed  among  the  best  informed  of 
Mr.  Adams'  friends,  with  whom  I  have  conversed,  though 
nothing  certain  is  known  on  the  subject,  that  Mr.  Clay  will 
vote  with  us,  on  the  Presidential  election.  The  choice  is 
evidently  confined  to  Adams  &  Jackson ;  &  though  Mr.  Clay 
probably  does  not  much  like  either  of  them,  yet  looking  to 
the  public  character  &  qualifications  of  the  two  candidates, 
he  cannot  but  see  that  the  advantage,  in  these  respects,  is 
wholly  on  the  side  of  Adams.  Even  if  he  consults  his  pri- 
vate feelings  alone,  he  can  hardly  fail  to  give  Mr.  Adams 
the  preference.  Much  has  been  said  about  their  contro- 
versy respecting  the  Ghent  negotiation  —  but  this  is  noth- 
ing, compared  with  the  direct  personal  hostility  between 
Clay  &  Jackson,  which  grew  out  of  the  Seminole  debate. 
At  the  late  public  dinner,  Clay  &  Adams  were  placed  next 


130  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications, 

to  each  other  at  the  table;  &  there  was  observed,  in  their 
deportment  towards  each  other,  nothing  which  indicated  the 
existence  of  that  ill  will,  or  resentment,  which  have  some- 
times be  [en]  imputed  to  them.  On  the  contrary,  the  ur- 
banity of  Mr.  Clay,  &  the  frankness  of  Mr.  Adams,  seemed 
to  evince  the  absence  of  all  hostile  or  unfriendly  feel- 
ings. .  .  .  For  my  own  part,  I  am  more  &  more  of  the 
opinion  that  Clay  will  finally  vote  for  Adams.115  But  Mr. 
Clay  will  not  be  alone  in  this  vote.  His  friends  in  Congress 
have  great  confidence  in  the  soundness  of  his  judgment  — 
many  of  them  have  always  been  friendly  to  Adams  as  their 
second  choice  —  &  none  of  them  would  willingly  differ  from 
him  on  this  interesting  subject  —  so  that,  if  I  am  correct 
in  my  conjecture  as  to  Mr.  Clay's  vote,  the  question  may 
be  considered  as  settled.  For  the  friends  of  Clay,  joined 
to  those  of  Adams,  would  certainly  secure  his  election;  if 
not  at  the  first  ballot,  at  least,  when  it  was  ascertained  that 
Crawford  stood  no  chance  of  being  chosen.     .     .     . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JE.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  11th  1825 
Dear  father, 

I  have  already  informed  you  of  Mr.  Clay's  intended  in- 
terview with  Mr.  Adams  —  I  called  on  the  latter,  today,  & 
asked  him  if  he  had  seen  Clay  —  He  said  that  he  received 

us  On  January  8,  1825,  the  day  after  the  date  of  Plumer's  letter,  Clay 
wrote  to  his  friend  Francis  P.  Blair  that  he  intended  to  support  Adams. 
Works,  IV,  109-110.  Senator  Benton  claimed  that  Clay  had  informed  him 
before  December  15,  1824,  of  his  decision  to  vote  for  Adams.  Thirty 
Years'  View,  I,  48.  Benton  stated  that  he  had  made  this  fact  known  "to 
the  public  in  a  letter  which  was  copied  into  many  newspapers,  and  is 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  131 

a  note  from  him  Saturday  morning  (the  8th)  informing  him 
that,  if  agreeable,  he  would  call  on  him  that  evening116  — 
He  accordingly  came,  &  spent  the  whole  evening,  three 
hours,  in  a  very  free  &  satisfactory  conversation,  in  which 
they  went  over  all  their  past  differences,  the  scenes  in  which 
they  had  acted  together,  their  present  views  of  policy,  & 
their  expectations  for  the  future  —  On  the  subject  of  the 
Presidency,  Clay  said  that,  after  a  full  consideration  of  all 
the  circumstances,  he  had  determined  to  support  Mr. 
Adams  in  preference  to  either  of  the  other  candidates  — 
with  respect  to  Mr.  Crawford,  he  had  seen  him  repeatedly, 
this  session,  &  was  satisfied,  from  his  own  personal  obser- 
vation, that  the  state  of  his  health  was  such  as  to  disqualify 
him  for  the  office  of  President  —  It  was  not  therefore  nec- 
essary in  relation  to  him  to  go  at  all  into  any  other  view  of 
the  subject  —  This  was  enough  to  exclude  him  —  That  with 
respect  to  General  Jackson  —  when  Mr.  Adams  had  got 
this  far,  in  relating  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Clay,  we 
were  unfortunately  interrupted  by  some  person's  coming 
in  —  Mr.  Adams  had  time  only  to  add,  that  I  was  the  only 
person  to  whom  he  had  mentioned  this  subject  —  &  that  he 
wished  it  might,  for  the  present,  be  considered  as  strictly 
confidential,  as  Clay  wished  to  take  his  own  time  to  come 
out,  &  would  not  probably  do  so  for  some  weeks  yet  —  I  do 
not  consider  myself  as  violating  this  injunction  by  writing 
to  you.  .  .  . 

preserved  in  Niles'  Register."  A  careful  examination  of  Niles'  Register 
during  the  period  under  discussion,  as  well  as  of  the  files  of  several  lead- 
ing contemporary  newspapers,  failed  to  reveal  any  such  letter.  Unless 
more  definite  proof  of  the  publication  of  this  letter  can  be  found,  one 
must  conclude  that  Benton  was  in  error  in  this  statement. 

us  According  to  Adams,  his  meeting  with  Clay  took  place  Sunday 
evening,  January  9.  Memoirs,  VI,  464-465.  Another  conference  between 
Adams  and  Clay  was  held  January  29.    Ibid.,  VI,  483. 


132  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JE.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  13th  1825 
Dear  fathee, 

There  is  no  end  to  the  changes  which  the  Presidential 
question  undergoes  —  The  Kentuckians  have,  today,  re- 
ceived information  that  a  resolution  has  passed  their  House 
of  Representatives  instructing  them  to  vote  for  Jackson  — 
There  is  no  question  that  this  was  done  on  the  suggestion 
of  Jackson's  friends  here  —  &,  as  the  Western  Legislatures 
are  nearly  all  in  session,  it  is  even  feared  that  in  Ohio,  Illi- 
nois, &  Missouri  the  same  thing  will  be  attempted,  &  per- 
haps with  success !  If  it  is,  it  will  be  almost  too  much  to 
expect  their  members  here  should  resist  so  strong  an  im- 
pulse —  such  is  the  popular  infatuation  in  favour  of  Jack- 
son —  The  Kentuckians  are  a  good  deal  shaken  by  this 
event  —  but  if  the  other  states,  in  which  Clay  has  influence, 
stand  firm,  they  may  perhaps  rally  again  —  &,  if  not,  we 
are  still  strong  enough  if  we  loose  no  more  than  Ken- 
tucky117 —   .   .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  January  20th  1825 
Dear  father, 

Mr.  Adams  gave  me  some  further  account  of  his  conver- 
sation with  Clay  —  He  said  that  Mr.  Clay  spoke  of  General 
Jackson  as  possessing  no  merit  whatever,  except  that  of  a 
military  character  —  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the  laws  & 

n7  See  it>id.,  VI,  467-468,  469.    A  copy  of  the  Kentucky  resolution  was 
printed  in  Niles'  Register,  XXVII,  321-322. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  133 

institutions  of  the  country,  &  had  never  shown  any  ca- 
pacity as  a  statesman  —  that  for  such  a  man  to  become 
President,  upon  the  sole  ground  of  a  little  military  success, 
would,  in  his  opinion,  be  the  greatest  misfortune  that  could 
befal  the  country118  —  that  he  (Clay,)  had  therefore  no  hes- 
itation in  deciding  among  the  candidates  now  before  the 
House  —  but  that  time  would  be  required  to  overcome  the 
prejudices  of  many  of  his  friends,  in  favour  of  Jackson,  as 
a  Western  man,  &  against  Adams  as  an  eastern  man  & 
heretofore  the  object  of  jealousy  &  suspicion  in  the  western 
states  —  but  that  in  due  time  he  should  come  out  —  & 
doubted  not  but  his  friends  would  go  with  him,  —  I  did  not 
think  it  decorous  to  enquire  more  particularly  —  nor  did 
Mr.  Adams  seem  disposed  to  say  anything  further  of  what 
passed  between  them  —  ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 
Deae  father  Washington  January  24th  1825 

It  begins  now  to  be  considered  pretty  certain  that  Adams 
will  be  President  —  As  a  last  resort,  the  Jacksonites,  de- 
spairing of  Clay,  are  endeavouring  to  secure  the  friends  of 
Crawford  —  Jackson,  when  he  came  here  last  winter,  & 
made  up  with  all  his  other  enemies  —  Clay,  Benton,  Cocke, 

us  This  characterization  of  Jackson  is  practically  identical  with  the 
one  Clay  made  in  his  letter  to  Francis  P.  Blair.  See  footnote  115,  above. 
On  this  point,  see  the  letter  of  Samuel  Swartout  to  Jackson  and  Jackson's 
reply,  in  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Proceedings,  N.  S.,  XXXI,  80-87. 
The  entire  series  of  letters  there  published  has  a  direct  bearing  upon  the 
campaign  of  1824-1825.  Fear  of  Jackson's  "very  sincere  but  very  erroneous 
and  most  dangerous  opinions  on  the  subject  of  military  and  Executive 
power"  was  expressed  by  Gallatin  in  a  letter  to  Walter  Lowrie,  May  22, 
1824.    Albert  Gallatin,  Writings,  II,  291. 


134         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

Scott,119  &c  —  keep  aloof  from  Crawford  —  &  seemed  to 
wish  for  no  compromise  or  understanding  with  him  —  now, 
however,  when  it  is  certain  he  must  fail  of  success,  if  he 
does  not  secure  the  friends  of  Crawford,  he  has  changed 
his  course  —  It  is  said  that  he  has  been  to  see  Mr.  Craw- 
ford in  person,  &  made  very  humble  submissions,  &  prof- 
ered  him  any  terms  which  he  might  ask  as  the  price  of  his 
cooperation  &  support  —  I  doubt  however  whether  this  is 
strictly  true  —  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  has  made 
overtures  to  Mr.  Crawford  —  that  he  sent,  some  days  since, 
one  of  his  particular  &  confidential  friends  to  Mr.  Craw- 
ford to  inform  him  that  he  was  willing  to  bury  the  hatchet ; 
&  to  be,  for  the  future  upon  good  terms  with  him  —  that 
he  wished  to  consider  Mr.  Crawford  &  Mr.  Crawford's 
friends  as  his  friends;  &  that,  in  the  event  of  his  success, 
they  should  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  him  —  In  this 
project  he  cannot  succeed  —  the  states  which  are  certain 
to  vote  for  Jackson  are  Pennsylvania,  South  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Indiana,  Mississippi,  &  Alabama,  —  those  for 
Crawford,  Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  &  Geor- 
gia —  ten  in  all  —  but  it  is  equally  certain  that  Delaware  & 
Virginia  will  never  vote  for  Jackson  —  It  is  hardly  pos- 
sible that  North  Carolina  should  vote  for  him  —  &  almost 
certain  that  Georgia  will  continue  to  the  end  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Crawford  —  But,  if  he  had  all  the  Crawford  States,  he 
then  wants  three  more  —  &  it  is  barely  possible  that  he 
might  get  New  Jersey  &  North  Carolina  —  but  —  this  is 
not  at  all  probable  —  &  it  is  still  more  difficult  to  imagine 
where  he  would  get  another  vote,  which  would  be  necessary 
to  chose  him  —  It  seems  therefore  pretty  well  settled  that 
he  cannot  be  chosen  —  It  is  indeed  impossible  to  foretell 

us  See  footnote  66,  above. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825,  135 

what  changes  may  take  place  within  the  next  sixteen 
days  —  but  I  do  not  see  any  that  can  materially  alter  the 
present  aspect  of  affairs  — 

Since  writing  the  above,  Mr.  Fuller  informs  me  that  Mr. 
Crawford  told  him,  today,  that  Gen.  Jackson  had  never 
called  upon  him,  either  this  session  or  the  last  —  the  other 
part  of  the  story  as  to  his  advances  to  Crawford,  through 
a  friend,  is  undoubtedly  true120  — 

On  reaching  the  House  today,  I  found  an  unusual  bustle 
in  every  quarter  —  a  buzzing  in  the  hive  like  the  swarming 
of  bees  —  hundts  of  politicians  on  all  the  sophas  &  in  every 
recess,  &  some  strong  &  universal  sensation  pervading 
every  part  of  the  House.  I  soon  learned  the  cause  of  all 
this  stirr  —  The  Ohio  &  Kentucky  members,  after  ascer- 
taining their  minds  in  private,  met  publicly  this  morning, 
in  one  of  the  Committee  rooms;  &  inviting  in  some  of  the 
leading  friends  of  Crawford  &  Jackson,  informed  them  that 

120  James  Buchanan,  in  a  letter  of  January  2,  1825,  to  Thomas  Elder, 
discussed  freely  the  rumors  which  were  prevalent  in  Washington.  He 
wrote  that  Crawford's  friends  believed  they  held  the  balance  of  power  be- 
tween Adams  and  Jackson  and  it  was  rumored  that  they  were  attempting 
a  coalition  with  the  friends  of  Adams.  Buchanan  was  of  the  opinion  that 
if  Clay  desired,  he  could  give  the  votes  of  Ohio  and  Louisiana  to  Adams. 
He  thought  that  Clay  would  "act  properly"  but  might  "be  the  better  for 
being  watched." 

Buchanan  declared  that  Jackson  was  "a  man  whose  integrity  is  such 
that  no  person  would  dare  to  talk  to  him  about  conciliating  the  friends 
of  the  other  candidates  by  holding  out  to  them  any  offers  of  Office,"  a 
remark  both  interesting  and  important  in  the  light  of  later  charges  made 
by  Jackson  himself  against  Buchanan.  After  listing  the  states  which  he 
regarded  as  certain  to  vote  for  the  respective  candidates,  Buchanan  said 
he  considered  the  chances  in  favor  of  Jackson  as  "two  to  one".  James 
Buchanan,  Works  (John  Bassett  Moore,  ed.),  I,  119-121.  For  the  later 
charges  above  referred  to,  see  G.  T.  Curtis,  Life  of  James  Buchanan,  I, 
38-56,  506-514;  also  Jackson's  letter  to  Samuel  Swartout,  May  16,  1825, 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Proceedings,  N.  S.,  XXXI,  87-88;  Bassett, 
Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  I,  356-359. 


136         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

they  had  determined  to  vote  for  Adams121 — you  can 
imagine  the  effect  of  such  a  declaration  easier  than  I  can 
describe  it  —  To  the  greater  part  of  the  members  of  our 
House,  it  was  equally  sudden  &  unexpected  —  In  me,  it 
created  no  surprise  —  because  I  have  long  known  the  course 
things  were  taking,  &  the  result  to  which  they  must  finally 
come. 

What  course  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  will  take  re- 
mains to  be  seen  —  the  attempt  of  Jackson  to  secure  their 
votes  for  himself  must,  it  appears  to  me,  fail  —  I  talked 
with  McLane  of  Delaware,  today,  on  the  subject  —  &  he 
said  they  might  as  well  think  of  turning  the  Capitol  upside 
down  as  of  persuading  him  to  vote  for  Jackson122  —  I  be- 
lieve that  the  Virginians  are  equally  set  against  Jackson  — 
Perhaps  they  will  continue  to  the  end  voting  for  Mr. 
Crawford,  if  indeed  we  do  not  elect  Mr.  Adams  at  the  first 
ballot,  which  now  seems  very  probable.   .  .   . 


WILLIAM  PLUMEE  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  February  6  1825 
Deak  father, 

Not  much  has  occured  in  relation  to  the  Presidency, 
since  I  wrote  you  last,  except  what  you  will  find  in  the 
Newspapers  —  Clay's  card  is  generally  condemned,  except 
by  a  few  of  his  friends,  who  say  it  was  necessary  —  What 
the  committee  of  investigation,  raised  on  this  subject,  will 
do  is  uncertain  —  If  they  bring  before  them  everybody  who 
has,  at  any  time,  talked  about  the  Presidential  election,  & 

121  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  478. 

122  piumer  reported  this  conversation  to  Adams.     Ibid. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  137 

report  all  the  idle,  or  serious,  talk  which  has  passed,  among 
us,  for  the  last  two  months,  on  this  subject,  they  will  do 
little  credit  to  Congress  or  to  themselves  —  That  they  will 
acquit  Clay  there  is  no  doubt  —  That  they  will  condemn 
Kremer  is  very  probable  —  He  is  however,  of  such  a  char- 
acter, and  the  friends  of  Jackson,  exasperated  by  disap- 
pointment, are  so  violent,  that  it  will  be  prudent,  at  least,  to 
let  him  off  as  easy  as  they  can  —  &,  by  no  means,  to  give 
him  a  chance  to  cry  out  that  he  is  a  persecuted  man123  — 
It  seems  now  to  be  pretty  generally  agreed  that  Adams 
will  be  chosen  President  —  many  think  at  the  first  ballot  — 
I  think  it  doubtful  whether  he  will,  at  the  first  trial,  have 
more  than  eleven  states  —  perhaps  only  ten  —  but  in  the 
end  Maryland  &  Louisiana  will  vote  for  him  —  &  if  neces- 
sary, I  think  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  &  Delaware  would 
do  the  same  —  but  we  shall  probably  be  strong  enough 
without  the  aid  of  Mr.  Crawford's  friends —   .   .    . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  February  13th  1825 
Deae  fatheb, 

You  will  learn,  long  before  this  reaches  you,  that  we 
succeeded  in  choosing  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  9th  instant,  Pres- 
ident, at  the  first  ballot  —  This  fortunate  result,  though 
probable,  was  never  certain,  till  the  moment  when  it  took 
place  —  The  majority  in  New  York  was  but  one,  out  of 
thirty  four  votes  —  &  even  the  New  York  members  did  not 

123  For  the  charges  made  by  Kremer  against  Clay  and  the  latter's 
demand  for  an  official  investigation,  see  Congressional  Debates,  18  Cong., 
2  Sess.,  440-444,  463-486,  522-525.  The  "cards"  were  published  in  Niles* 
Register,  XXVII,  353. 


138         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

know,  with  certainty,  which  way  it  would  be,  till  their 
votes  were  counted.124  In  Maryland  the  majority  was  but 
one,  —  &  that  one  (Mitchell)125  would  have  voted  for  Jack- 
son, if  he  had  not  been  afraid  of  his  constituents,  who  were 
for  Adams  —  In  Louisiana,  it  depended  upon  the  vote  of 
Mr.  Gurley126  —  He  was  friendly  to  Adams  —  but  timid,  & 
indecisive  —  Thus  in  three  states,  we  depended  upon  one 
vote  in  each  —  But  though  we  were  thus  uncertain  as  to  the 
first  vote,  there  is  no  doubt  that,  if  we  had  made  no  choice 
then,  we  should  have  had,  at  subsequent  trials,  the  votes 
of  New  Jersey  &  Indiana  —  &  if  the  choice  could  have  been 
confined  to  Adams  &  Jackson,  we  should  have  had  -the  votes 
of  Delaware,  Virginia,  &  Georgia,  in  preference  to  Jack- 
son— 

Every  thing  in  this  election  was  conducted  with  perfect 

124  The  doubtful  member  of  the  New  York  delegation  was  Stephen 
Van  Rensselaer,  who  confided  to  Webster  his  difficulties  in  deciding  be- 
tween Adams  and  Jackson.  The  latter  advised  Van  Rensselaer  to  see 
Adams,  which  he  did.  Adams's  assurances  of  his  lack  of  animosity 
against  the  federalists  evidently  satisfied  Van  Rensselaer,  who  voted  for 
Adams.  On  this  episode,  see  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  493-494;  Martin 
Van  Buren,  Autobiography,  149-152;  Margaret  B.  Smith,  Forty  Years  of 
Washington  Society,  184-186,  190-193. 

125  George  E.  Mitchell.  According  to  other  contemporary  accounts  it 
would  seem  that  Henry  R.  Warfield  held  the  deciding  vote  in  the  Mary- 
land delegation.  He  wrote  to  Webster  on  the  subject,  who,  after  telling 
of  his  own  determination  to  vote  for  Adams,  urged  Warfield  to  see  Adams. 
As  in  the  case  of  Van  Rensselaer,  Adams  assured  Warfield  that  the  fed- 
eralists would  receive  fair  treatment  at  his  hands,  and  Warfield  cast  his 
vote  for  Adams.  See  Daniel  Webster,  Private  Correspondenc,  I,  377-380; 
J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  492-493,  497-498,  499-500. 

126  Henry  H.  Gurley.  Gurley  was  born  in  Connecticut  and  was  a 
graduate  of  Williams  College.  He,  like  a  number  of  other  young  New 
Englanders,  went  to  Louisiana  to  practice  law.  The  movement  of  these 
New  Englanders  southward  into  Louisiana  in  the  early  years  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  is  an  interesting  one.  See,  for  example,  "Letters  from 
Louisiana"  (Everett  S.  Brown,  ed.),  in  The  Mississippi  Valley  Historical 
Review,  XL  570-579. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  139 

propriety  &  decorum  on  the  part  of  the  House  —  There 
was  no  noise  or  confusion  —  no  undue  exultation  in  Mr. 
Adams '  friends,  &  no  resentment  expressed  by  those  of  the 
other  candidates127  —   ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  February  16th  1825 
Deae  father, 

Since  the  election  of  a  President  has  been  made,  the  prin- 
cipal object  of  enquiry  &  of  solicitude  has  been  the  selection 
of  a  new  Cabinet  —  Going  upon  the  principle  of  keeping 
those  in  office  whom  he  found  there,  Mr.  Adams  wrote  let- 
ters to  Mr.  Crawford  &  Mr.  Southard  requesting  them  to 
remain  in  their  present  offices  under  him  —  Mr.  Crawford 
replied,  (with  thanks  for  the  invitation,)  that  he  had,  long 
since  determined,  at  all  events,  to  resign  his  present  office, 
at  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration  so  that  a  new 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  to  be  appointed  —  It  was  cer- 
tainly wise,  &  magnaminous  in  Mr.  Adams  to  offer  Mr. 
Crawford  this  station  —  It  was  perhaps  equally  wise  in 
him  to  decline  it  —  The  state  of  his  health,  though  much 
improved,  seemed  hardly  to  admit  of  his  going  on  with  the 
duties  of  so  laborious  an  office  —  Mr.  Southard  accepted 

127  For  Adams's  pious  comments  on  the  action  of  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, see  Memoirs,  VI,  501-502.  A  detailed  account  of  the  rules  to 
be  followed  by  the  house  of  representatives  in  the  election  of  a  President 
and  a  description  of  the  election  itself  will  be  found  in  Congressional 
Debates,  18  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  361-363,  420-434,  444-461,  490-516,  522,  525-527. 
At  the  conclusion  of  this  account  of  the  election  a  note  was  appended 
which  reports  that  when  the  vote  was  announced,  clapping  and  hissing 
occurred  in  the  galleries,  and  the  house  suspended  its  proceedings  until 
the  galleries  had  been  cleared.  Cf.  Ben.  Perley  Poore,  Reminiscences,  I, 
23-26. 


140         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

the  invitation  given  him  —  so  that  there  will  be  no  new  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy'^ to  be  appointed  —  Many  of  Mr.  Adams' 
friends  are  dissatisfied  at  this  appointment  —  They  think 
that  Mr.  Southard,  besides  being  no  better  qualified  for  the 
office  than  a  hundred  that  might  be  named,  has  been  playing 
a  double  part  —  that  while  he  professed  friendship  to 
Adams,  he  was  secretly  aiding  Jackson,  &  that  he  is,  in  fact, 
a  mere  tool  of  Calhoun's  —  I  do  not  however  think  there  is 
much  to  fear  from  him  —  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  abler 
men  might  have  been  found  —  but  no  good  reason  could  be 
given  for  turning  him  out  — Hhe  same  is  true  of  Mr.  Wirt, 
to  whom,  the  same  invitation  has  been  extended  —  He  is  a 
good  lawyer  —  but  not  equal  to  several  who  might  be  se- 
lected —  &  what  is  very  material  in  these  critical  times,  he 
brings  to  the  new  administration  no  accession  of  political 
power  or  influence  in  the  country  —  But  being  already  in 
the  office  of  attorney  general  he  could  not  well  be  turned 
out  —  By  some  it  is  said,  he  will  decline  the  offer,  &  re- 
move to  Baltimore  —  Where  the  death  of  Pinkney,  Winder, 
&  Harper,128  has  opened  a  fine  field  for  professional  emolu- 
ment and  renown  — 

The  office  of  Secretary  of  State  was,  at  the  same  time, 
offered  to  Mr.  Clay129  —  this  was  anticipated,  by  everybody, 
as  a  matter  of  course  —  The  Western  States,  nine  in  num- 
ber, with  a  population  of  two  or  three  millions,  have  never 
had  a  President,  a  Secretary  of  State,  or  any  other  com- 
manding Station  in  the  Government130  —  Upon  every  prin- 

128  William  Pinkney  died  February  25,  1822;  William  Henry  Winder, 
May  24,  1824;  and  Robert  Goodloe  Harper,  January  15,  1825. 

129  Adams  informed  President  Monroe  on  February  11  that  he  would 
offer  the  department  of  state  to  Clay.  He  made  his  offer  to  Clay  on  Feb- 
ruary 12.    Memoirs,  VI,  508-509. 

iso  John  Breckinridge  of  Kentucky  was  attorney  general  under  Jef- 
ferson from  August  7,  1805  to  December  14,  1806.     George  W.  Campbell 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  141 

ciple,  they  were  entitled  to  notice  —  When  to  this  we  add, 
that  five  of  these  states  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,131  &  thereby 
pledged  themselves  to  his  support,  &  that  all  this  was  done 
by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  sup- 
pose any  corrupt  bargain,  or  intrigue  between  Clay  & 
Adams,  to  account  for  the  promotion  of  a  man,  who  had 
already  been  twice  offered  a  seat  in  the  cabinet  by  former 
Presidents132  —  Yet  the  peculiar  state  of  things,  at  the 
present  moment,  makes  it  a  question  of  great  delicacy  to 
determine  what  he  ought  to  do  in  this  emergency  —  To  ac- 
cept, will  confirm,  in  the  minds  of  his  enemies,  all  those 
vulgar  prejudices  which  have  been  so  industriously  circu- 
lated against  him  —  &  give  them  an  opportunity  to  repre- 
sent both  Adams  &  Clay  as  unprincipled  intriguers,  who 
have  sacrificed  old  resentments  to  present  interests,  &  ad- 
vanced their  own  views  of  personal  egrandizement  at  the 
expense  of  the  public  good  —  Should  he,  on  the  other  hand, 
decline,  he  will  get  no  credit  for  this  act  —  His  conduct 
will  be  imputed  to  fear  rather  than  to  principle  —  &  it  will 
be  said  that  he  had  not  courage  to  accept  the  reward  of  his 
own  perfidy133  —  His  friends  are  somewhat  divided  in  opin- 

of  Tennessee  was  secretary  of  the  treasury  in  1814  under  Madison.  Re- 
turn J.  Meigs,  Jr.,  of  Ohio  served  as  postmaster-general  under  Madison 
and  Monroe,  from  March  17,  1814  to  June  30,  1823,  when  he  was  succeeded 
by  another  Ohioan,  John  McLean. 

isi  Plumer  is  counting  Louisiana  as  a  western  state,  with  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  Missouri  and  Illinois  as  the  other  four.  The  six  New  England 
states  and  New  York  and  Maryland  voted  for  Adams  to  make  the  neces- 
sary majority  of  thirteen. 

132  For  previous  offers  of  official  positions  to  Clay,  see  Henry  Clay, 
Works,  IV,  114;  James  Madison,  Letters  and  other  Writings  (1865,  ed.), 
IV,  556;  Albert  Gallatin,  Writings,  II,  36. 

is3  in  a  letter  to  Francis  Brooke,  February  18,  two  days  after  Plumer's 
letter,  Clay  made  a  similar  statement  of  his  position  but  added  that  he 
had  decided  to  accept  Adams's  offer.    Works,  IV,  114-116. 


142         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

opinion;  but  the  greater  part  advice  him  to  accept  the  of- 
fer —  &  I  have  very  little  doubt  he  will  do  so  —  The  inter- 
ests of  Clay  &  Adams  are,  at  any  rate,  identified — If  Adams 
is  run  down,  Clay  falls  with  him  —  If  Clay  loses  his  ground 
in  the  West,  Adams  loses  also  all  foothold  in  that  country — 
What  is  good  for  one,  is,  therefore,  good  for  both  —  On  the 
whole,  there  are  great  difficulties  on  every  side  —  &  it  will 
require  no  ordinary  prudence  to  surmount  them.  The 
friends  of  Jackson,  or  rather  of  Calhoun,  announce  already 
their  intention  to  commence  a  regular  &  steady  opposition 
to  the  administration;  &  are  determined  to  be  satisfied 
with  nothing  which  can  be  done134  —  If  however  a  prudent 
course  is  taken,  I  do  not  think  much  is  to  be  feared  from  a 
factious  opposition,  founded  in  such  views,  &  unsupported 
by  any  real  &  substantial  grounds  of  complaint  in  the  acts 
of  the  government  itself  —  ... 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  February  21st  1825 


Dear  father, 


I  have  had  several  conversations  with  Mr.  Adams  re- 
specting the  formation  of  his  cabinet  —  He  informed  me, 
this  morning,135  that  Mr.  Clay,  yesterday,  accepted  his  invi- 
tation to  become  Secretary  of  State  —  so  that,  that 
question  is  now  settled  —  The  next  is,  who  shall  be  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury !  —  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  it  will 

134  Cf.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Memoirs,  VI,  506-507. 

135  There  is  no  entry  in  Adams's  Memoirs  between  February  16  and 
February  23. 


Presidential  Politics,  1820-1825.  143 

be  Mr.  Rush136  —  Mr.  Adams  thinks  he  has  more  talents 
than  he  has  had  credit  for,  &  says  that,  as  Minister  to 
England,  he  has  shown  no  want  of  ability,  knowledge,  or 
sagacity  —  The  strongest  reasons  for  taking  Rush  are  first, 
to  please  Pennsylvania  —  &,  secondly,  to  make  way  for 
Clinton  to  be  Minister  to  England  —  The  claims  of  New 
York,  &  particularly  of  the  party  who  made  Clinton  Gov- 
ernor &  gave  Adams  the  votes  of  that  state,  are  too  strong 
to  be  resisted.  To  bring  Clinton  into  the  Cabinet  would 
ruin  everything  —  Adams,  Clay,  Clinton  —  three  men  less 
likely  to  agree  could  not  be  found,  in  the  United  States.  .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  February  23,  1825. 
Dear  father, 

I  called  to  see  Mr.  Adams  today He  told  me  that  he 

had  written  to  De  Wit  Clinton,  &  offered  him  the  Mission 
to  England  —  He  also  intimated  that,  if  he  refused  to  take 
it,  he  should  offer  him  the  Treasury  Department  —  But 
this  he  did  not  speak  of  as  being  his  fixed  intention  —  but 
as  being  his  present  inclination  —  If  Clinton  goes  to  Eng- 
land, Mr.  Rush  is  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  He 
also  told  me  that  he  had  offered  the  War  Department  to 
Governor  Barbour137  —  &  that  he  had  expressed  his  will- 
ingness to  accept  it  —  So  that  the  Cabinet  may  be  said  to 
be  filled,  if  Clinton  accepts  the  Mission  to  England.138.    .    . 

136  Richard  Rush,  nominated  March  5,  1825,  confirmed  and  commis- 
sioned March  7. 

137  James  Barbour  of  Virginia. 

iss  Adams  mentioned  Plumer's  visit  but  did  not  record  their  conver- 
sation.   Memoirs,  VI,  511. 


144  Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 

WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  March  2d  1825. 
Deak  father, 

He  [Mr.  Adams]  informed  me  that  he  had,  this  after- 
noon, received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Clinton,  declining  the 
Mission  to  London,  upon  the  ground  that  his  duty  to  his 
constituents  forbade  him  quitting  his  present  office.139  This 
answer,  of  course,  precludes  the  offer  of  any  thing  else  to 
him.  .  .  . 


WILLIAM  PLUMER  JR.  TO  WILLIAM  PLUMER 

Washington  March  4,  1825. 
Dear  father, 

I  attended  today  the  inauguration  of  the  new  President. 
It  was  one  of  the  most  august  &  interesting  spectacles  I 
ever  witnessed  —  The  Address  which  the  President  deliv- 
ered on  this  occasion  was  worthy  of  the  man  &  of  the 
place  —  It  was  extremely  well  delivered  —  At  first  he  was  a 
little  agitated  —  but  soon  recovered  his  self  possession,  & 
spoke  with  great  clearness,  force,  &  animation.     .     .     . 

There  was  an  immense  crowd  of  people  attended  the 
inauguration  —  &  after  it  was  over  the  President,  &  Ex- 
President  received,  at  their  respective  houses,  the  congrat- 
ulations, &  the  farewell,  of  unnumbered  guests.140.     .     . 

139  Adams  lists  Plumer  among  his  visitors  on  March  1  but  not  on 
March  2.  Ibid.,  VI,  515.  Upon  Clinton's  refusal  to  accept  the  post  in  Lon- 
don, Adams  offered  it  to  Rufus  King.    Ibid.,  VI,  523. 

i4o(7/.  ibid.,  VI,  518-519;  Ben.  Perley  Poore,  Reminiscences,  I,  26-27. 


INDEX 


Adams,  John,  79, 


83  n. 


Adams,  John  Quincy,  profits  politic- 
ally through  Missouri  question, 
10-11,  10  n.;  on  Missouri  question, 
16,  16  n.;  Plumer's  opinion  of, 
47-48;  prospective  presidential 
candidate,  49;  appointed  secretary 
of  state,  51-52,  52  n.;  plan  to  vote 
for  (1820),  53-54,  53  n.;  discusses 
his  political  future,  54-60;  opposed 
by  South  and  West,  61;  receives 
electoral  vote  (1820),  62,  62  n.; 
characteristics  of,  64;  attitude  on 
speakership,  65,  65  n.;  attitude  of 
New  York  toward,  69;  unpopular 
in  New  England,  69-70;  Massachu- 
setts in  favor  of,  75-76;  attitude  of 
Ohio  toward,  76,  80,  123;  book  on 
fisheries    and    Mississippi,    76-77, 

77  n.;     attacked     by     Smyth,     78, 

78  n.;  controversy  with  Russell, 
78,  78  n.;  discusses  presidential 
candidates,  80-82,  84-88;  gaining 
ground,  83;  favored  by  New 
Hampshire  congressmen,  90;  atti- 
tude of  Virginia  toward,  93;  atti- 
tude of  Republicans  and  Feder- 
alists toward,  94;  discusses  offers 
from  other  candidates,  96-98; 
receives  caucus  votes,  99;  ad- 
vances of  Crawford  men  to,  100- 
101;  discusses  possible  cabinet, 
101;  effect  of  Jackson's  popularity 
on,  102-103;  views  on  tariff,  105- 
106,  106  n.;  stand  on  caucus 
criticized,  111-114;  Clinton  agent 
makes  advances  to,  114-115;  letter 
to  Plumer,  Jr.,  117-119;  Webster's 
attitude  toward,  119;  discusses 
presidential  prospects,  120-122, 
123-125;  vote  of  New  Hampshire 
for,  122;  attitude  of  Jefferson  to- 
ward, 125;  attitude  of  Delaware 
toward,  126;  makes  engagement 
with  Clay,  127;  chances  of  suc- 
cess, 127-129;  probability  of  sup- 
port of  Clay  for,  129-130;   reports 


conversation  with  Clay,  130-131, 
131  n.,  132-133;  Ohioans  and  Ken- 
tuckians  determine  to  vote  for, 
135-136;  chances  of  election  good, 
137;  elected  by  house,  137-139, 
139  n.;  selects  cabinet,  139-144; 
inauguration,  144;  Memoirs,  16  n., 
17  n.,  49  n.,  60  n.,  62  n.,  65  n.,  67  n., 
74  n.,  75  n.,  77  n.,  78  n.,  80  n.,  85  n., 
86  n.,  93  n.,  97  n.,  100  n.,  105  n., 
106  n.,  109  n.,  113  n.,  115  n.,  119  n., 
120  n.,  121  n.,  123  n.,  124  n.,  127  n., 
128  n.,  131  n.,  132  n.,  136  n.,  138  n., 
139  n.,  140  n.,  142  n.,  143  n.,  144  n.; 
The  duplicate  Letters,  the  Fisher- 
ies and  the  Mississippi,  77  n.; 
Writings,  78  n. 

Alexander,  D.  S.,  Political  History 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  104  n. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  Pro- 
ceedings,  133  n.,  135  n. 

Ames,  Herman  V.,  Proposed  Amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  20  n. 

Anderson,  Richard  C,  Jr.,  repre- 
sentative from  Kentucky,  speaks 
on  Missouri  bill,  9,  9  n. 

Annals  of  Congress,  4  n.,  5  n.,  6  n., 
7n.,  8n.,  9  n.,  11  n.,  12  n.,  13  n., 
14  n.,  18  n.,  22  n.,  23  n.,  24  n.,  25  n., 
26  n.,  27  n.,  29  n.,  30  n.,  31  n.,  33  n., 
34  n.,  36  n.,  41  n.,  43  n.,  63  n.,  64  n., 
67  n.,  84  n. 

Archer,  William  S.,  representative 
from  Virginia,  introduces  amend- 
ment to  Missouri  bill,  25,  25  n.; 
member  of  Committee  of  Thir- 
teen, 33  n.,  34. 

Arkansas,  slavery  in,  6,  11.  See  also 
Missouri. 

Army  bill,  passage  of,  63,  63  n. 

Articles  of  Confederation,  advisory 
powers  of  congress  under,  35,  35  n. 


145 


146         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 


Attorney  General.  See  William 
Wirt. 

Bank  of  United  States,  opposition 
to,  41-42,  42  n. 

Barbour,  James,  senator  from  Vir- 
ginia, bitter  over  Missouri  ques- 
tion, 14;  proposes  constitutional 
amendment,  39;  favors  resolution 
of  Committee  of  Thirty,  42,  42  n.; 
offered  cabinet  position,  143, 
143  n.;  mentioned,  106  n.,  124  n. 

Barbour,  Philip  P.,  representative 
from  Virginia,  style  of  oratory,  9, 
9n.;  on  status  of  Missouri,  23; 
introduces  motion  on  Missouri 
resolution,  25  n.;  elected  speaker, 
67,  67  n.;  candidate  for  speaker, 
83-84;  mentioned,  68. 

Bartlett,  Ichabod,  representative 
from  New  Hampshire,  attitude  to- 
ward caucus,  90,  90  n.,  95,  99. 

Barton,  David,  senator  from  Mis- 
souri, opposes  provision  excluding 
free  blacks,  19,  19  n.;  on  attitude 
of  West  toward  Adams,  77,  77  n. 

Bassett,  John  Spencer,  Life  of  An- 
drew Jackson,  86  n.,  102  n.,  125  n., 
135  n. 

Bell,  Samuel,  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  attitude  toward  cau- 
cus, 90,  90  n.,  98. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  supports  Clay, 
79;  reconciled  with  Jackson,  91, 
91  n.,  133;  statement  concerning 
Clay's  support  of  Adams,  130  n.; 
Thirty  Years'  View,  130  n. 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  letter  of  Clay  to, 
130  n.;    mentioned,  133  n. 

Branch,  John,  governor  of  North 
Carolina,  letter  to,  15  n. 


Breckinridge, 
140  n. 


John,       mentioned, 


Brooke,  Francis,  letter  of  Clay  to, 
141  n. 

Brown,  Everett  S.,  The  Constitu- 
tional History  of  the  Louisiana 
Purchase,  1803-1812,  20  n. 


Brown,  Jacob,  major-general,  favors 
Clinton,  59,  59  n.;  mentioned, 
115  n. 

Bruce,  William  Cabell,  John  Ran- 
dolph  of  Roanoke,   6  n.,   14  n. 

Buchanan,  James,  discusses  presi- 
dential rumors,  135  n. ;  Works, 
135  n. 

Bucktails,  attitude  on  Missouri 
compromise,  16;  Taylor  desires  to 
conciliate,  33;  attitude  toward 
Adams,  69,  70,  74. 

Burrill,  James,  Jr.,  senator  from 
Rhode  Island,  and  Missouri  bill, 
3,  4n. 

Burton,  Hutchins  G.,  representa- 
tive from  North  Carolina,  makes 
overtures  to  Adams,  100-101, 100  n. 

Butler,  Josiah,  representative  from 
New  Hampshire,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Thirteen,  33  n. 


Cabinet,  and  Missouri  question,  10, 
16,  17,  17  n.;  selection  of  mem- 
bers (1817),  51-52,  52  n.,  81-82; 
attitude  on  army  bill,  63;  Adams 
favors  retention  of  members  of, 
101;  formation  of  by  Adams,  139- 
144. 

Calhoun,  John  C,  accepts  cabinet 
position,  53  n. ;  opposes  army  bill, 
63;  character  of,  63-64,  63  n.;  op- 
position of  Crawford  to,  68;  re- 
quested to  run  for  presidency, 
70-71;  discusses  presidential  sit- 
uation, 71-73;  attitude  of  Adams 
toward,  73-74,  85-88,  121;  specu- 
lations concerning  future  of,  79; 
opposed  to  caucus,  92;  seeks  sup- 
port of  Federalists,  94;  makes 
advances  to  Adams,  97,  97  n.;  men- 
tioned for  secretary  of  state,  101; 
presidential  chances  declining, 
101,  102,  102  n.;  virtually  with- 
drawn from  presidential  race, 
104;  as  vice-presidential  candi- 
date, 109;  opposed  by  McLane, 
126;  opposition  to  Adams,  142; 
Correspondence,  97  n. 

Campbell,  George  W.,  mentioned, 
140  n. 


Index. 


147 


Campell,  John  W.,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Thirteen,  33  n. 

Caucus,  to  nominate  Clay  for  vice- 
presidency,  17,  18  n. ;  on  admis- 
sion of  Missouri,  29;  fails  to  act 
on  vice-presidency,  48-49;  unne- 
cessary, 50;  in  South  Carolina, 
69;  Adams  refers  to,  74;  opposed, 
88,  90,  92,  93,  94-95,  98;  Craw- 
ford's friends  favor,  89-90;  discus- 
sion of,  95-96;  results  of,  99-100; 
defended  by  Isaac  Hill,  111-114; 
and  nomination  of  Gallatin,  116- 
117;  harmful  to  Crawford,  121; 
mentioned,  48,  56. 

Cheves,  Langdon,  president  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  on  Missouri 
constitution,  18,  18  n.;  as  presi- 
dential possibility,  73,  73  n. 

Chittenden,  Hiram  Martin,  Ameri- 
can Fur  Trade  of  the  Far  West, 
63  n. 

Clarke,  John,  governor  of  Georgia, 
opposed   by   Crawford,    56,    56  n.; 


Clay,  Henry,  style  of  oratory,  8-9, 
8  n. ;  bitter  over  Missouri  ques- 
tion, 11-12,  14,  14  n.;  political 
aspirations,  17-18;  leadership  of, 
27;  moves  resolution  for  admis- 
sion of  Missouri,  29,  29  n.;  de- 
scription of,  30-31;  proposes  select 
Committee  of  Thirteen,  31,  31  n.; 
member  of  Committee  of  Thir- 
teen, 33  n.,  34;  conduct  as  speaker 
praised,  36-38;  rushes  resolution 
admitting  Missouri,  42-43;  sug- 
gested for  vice-president,  48;  cau- 
cus fails  to  nominate  for  vice- 
presidency,  48-49;  prospective 
presidential  candidate,  49;  op- 
posed for  vice-presidency,  50,  51 
and  cabinet  (1817),  51-52,  52  n. 
presidential  prospects  of,  55-56 
attempt  to  secure  Ohio  nomina- 
tion for,  76;  accused  of  opposing 
Adams,  77;  attempts  of  western 
states  to  nominate,  78-79,  78  n.; 
and  vice-presidency,  79;  Adams 
discusses  plans  of,  81-82;  elected 
speaker,  83-84;  Adams  discusses 
prospects     of,     85-88;     mentioned 


for  secretary  of  state,  101;  chance 
of  securing  New  York,  101,  103; 
losing  ground,  104-105;  Ohio  fa- 
vorable to,  122;  holds  balance  in 
election,  123;  friends  favor 
Adams,  124-125,  124  n.;  political 
power  of,  126-127;  makes  engage- 
ment with  Adams,  127-128;  prob- 
ability of  vote  for  Adams,  129- 
130,  130  n.;  promises  support  to 
Adams,  130-131;  criticism  of 
Jackson,  132-133,  133  n.;  Jackson 
attempts  to  conciliate,  133;  affair 
with  Kremer,  136-137,  137  n.;  of- 
fered cabinet  position  by  Adams, 
140,  140  n.;  support  of  Adams  de- 
fended, 140-142;  accepts  cabinet 
offer,  142;  mentioned,  5,  5  n.,  7, 
94;  Works,  123  n.,  124  n.,  130  n., 
141  n. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  prospective  presi- 
dential candidate,  49;  Adams  dis- 
cusses presidential  aspirations  of, 
55-59,  74,  85;  preferred  to  Adams, 
61;  favored  in  Ohio,  76,  80;  po- 
litical plans  of,  89,  89  n.;  men- 
tioned for  secretary  of  state,  101; 
supports  Jackson,  103,  128-129, 
128  n.;  removed  from  office  of 
canal  commissioner,  110-111; 
agent  sounds  out  presidential 
candidates,  114-116,  115  n.;  de- 
clines ministry  to  England,  143- 
144. 

Clinton,  George,  mentioned,  113, 
113  n. 

Clintonians,  attitude  toward  Adams, 
69,  74,  114.  See  also  De  Witt 
Clinton. 

Cobb,  Thomas  W.,  representative 
from  Georgia,  moves  to  amend 
Journal,  25  n.;  appeals  from  de- 
cision of  speaker,  26;  member  of 
Committee  of  Thirteen,  33  n. 

Cocke,  John,  representative  from 
Tennessee,  discusses  presidential 
candidates,  61,  61  n.;  supports 
Taylor  for  speakership,  65;  hos- 
tile to  Calhoun,  68;  reconciled 
with  Jackson,  91,  133. 

Cocke,  William,  mentioned,  61  n. 

Cohens  v.  Virginia,  41-42,  42  n. 


148         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 


Committee  of  Thirteen,  Clay  pro- 
poses, 31;  membership  of,  33, 
33  n.;  report,  34,  34  n. 

Committee  of  Thirty,  meeting  of, 
40-41,  40  n.;  agrees  upon  resolu- 
tion admitting  Missouri,  42,  42  n. 

Congressional  Debates,  137  n.,  139  n. 

Congressional  Olobe,  16  n. 

Cook,  Daniel  P.,  representative  from 
Illinois,  failure  of  opposition  to, 
59,  59  n. 

Crawford,  William  H.,  attitude  on 
Missouri  question,  16,  16  n.;  Plum- 
er's  opinion  of,  47-48;  prospective 
presidential  candidate,  49;  and 
cabinet  (1817),  51-52,  52  n.;  po- 
litical activities  of,  55-60;  opposi- 
tion to  Calhoun,  67-68;  political 
activities  for,  68;  unpopular  in 
South  Carolina,  69;  distrusted  by 
Calhoun,  71;  unpopular,  79; 
Adams  discusses  plans  of,  81-82, 
85-86;  political  activity  in  Geor- 
gia, 82-83;  friends  favor  caucus 
nomination,  89-90,  95-96;  friends 
seek  support  of  Adams,  96-97; 
caucus  votes  for,  99-100;  relations 
with  Adams,  100-101;  mentioned 
for  secretary  of  state,  101;  delays 
answer  to  caucus  committee,  103; 
political  prospects  of,  104-105, 
107-108;  physical  condition  of, 
108-109,  110,  117;  supported  by 
Isaac  Hill,  111-114;  activities  of 
opponents  in  New  York,  114; 
Adams  belittles  chances  of,  120- 
122;  friends  hopeful  of  success, 
122;  defeats  Clay,  123;  friends 
make  overtures  to  Adams,  124- 
125;  preferred  by  Jefferson,  125; 
popular  in  New  Jersey,  125-126; 
attitude  of  Clay  toward,  131;  ru- 
mors of  overtures  of  Jackson  to, 
133-135;  political  course  doubtful, 
136;  declines  cabinet  offer,  139; 
mentioned,  93,  94,  130. 

Curtis,  George  T.,  Life  of  James 
Buchanan,  135  n. 

Cuthbert,  Alfred,  representative 
from  Georgia,  attitude  of  Craw- 
ford toward,  82,  82  n. 


Dix,  John  Adams,  Memoirs,  4  n., 
109  n. 

Eaton,  John  Henry,  senator  from 
Tennessee,  offers  amendment  to 
resolution  for  admission  of  Mis- 
souri, 22,  22  n. 

Elder,  Thomas,  letter  of  Buchanan 
to,  135  n. 

Electoral  Count  Act,  20  n. 

Eustis,  William,  representative  from 
Massachusetts,  introduces  resolu- 
tion on  admission  of  Missouri,  27, 
27  n.;  characterization  of,  27; 
member  of  Committee  of  Thirteen, 
33  n.;  mentioned,  94,  94  n. 

Federalists,  attitude  of  Adams  to- 
ward, 74;  political  activities  criti- 
cized, 113-114. 

Fish,  Carl  Russell,  Civil  Service 
and  Patronage,  57  n. 

Floyd,  John,  representative  from 
Virginia,  demands  counting  Mis- 
souri presidential  electoral  votes, 

36,  36  n.,  37. 

Foot,  Samuel  A.,  representative 
from  Connecticut,  proposes 
amendment  concerning  Missouri, 
31,  31  n. 

Ford,  William  D.,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Thirteen,  33  n.,  34. 

Forward,  Walter,  representative 
from  Pennsylvania,  turns  from 
Crawford  to  Jackson,  117;  men- 
tioned, 122. 

Fuller,  Timothy,  representative 
from  Massachusetts,  ascertains 
sentiment  towards  Adams,  75, 
75  n. ;  Crawford  denies  overtures 
to  Jackson  to,  135. 

Gaillard,  John,  senator  from  South 
Carolina  and  president  pro  tem- 
pore of  senate,  presides  in  count- 
ing   presidential    electoral    votes, 

37,  37  n. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  vice-presidential 
candidate,  110,  110  n.;  reasons  for 
nomination  of,  116-117,  116  n.;  dis- 


Index. 


149 


trust  of  Jackson,  133  n.;  Writings, 
52  n.,  53  n.,  116  n.,  133  n.,  141  n. 

Garnett,  Robert  S.,  representative 
from  Virginia,  votes  against  Mis- 
souri compromise  bill,  43,  43  n. 

Gaston,  William,  opinion  on  Mis- 
souri question,  17,  17  n. 

Gross,  Ezra  C,  representative  from 
New  York,  on  Missouri  bill,  9, 
9n. 

Gundlach,  John  H.,  15  n. 

Gurley,  Henry  H.,  representative 
from  Louisiana,  votes  for  Adams, 
138,  138  n. 

Hackley,  Aaron,  Jr.,  representative 
from  New  York,  proposes  amend- 
ment concerning  Missouri,  31, 
31  n.;  member  of  Committee  of 
Thirteen,  33  n.,  34. 

Hale,  Salma,  letter  from  Plumer, 
Jr.,  47-48,  47  n.;  letter  to  Plumer, 
Jr.,  83;  mentioned,  56  n. 

Hammond,  J.  D.,  History  of  Po- 
litical Parties  in  New  York,  103  n., 
107  n.,  llln. 

Hardin,  Benjamin,  representative 
from  Kentucky,  description  of,  7, 
7n. 

Harper,  Robert  G.,  opinion  on  Mis- 
souri question,  17,  17  n. ;  men- 
tioned, 140,  140  n. 

Harvey,  Matthew,  representative 
from  New  Hampshire,  opposed  to 
caucus,  99,  99  n. 

Hayne,  Robert  Y.,  predicts  close 
presidential   contest,   109  n. 

Hemphill,  Joseph,  representative 
from  Pennsylvania,  speaks  on 
Missouri  bill,  7,  7  n.,  8. 

Hill,  Isaac,  editor  of  Neio  Hamp- 
shire Patriot,  75,  75  n.;  political 
activities  suspected,  107-108, 
107  n. ;  defends  congressional  cau- 
cus, 111-114,  llln. 

Hinds,  Asher  C,  Precedents  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  36  n. 

Hockett,  H.  C,  "Rufus  King  and 
the  Missouri  Compromise,"  42  n. 


Hodder,  Frank  H.,  "Side  Lights  on 
the  Missouri  Compromise,"  3  n. 

Holmes,  John,  representative  from 
Massachusetts,  on  Missouri  bill,  5, 
5n.;  senator  from  Maine,  favors 
resolution  of  Committee  of  Thir- 
ty, 42,  42  n.;  attitude  toward 
Adams,  70,  70  n.;  mentioned  as 
possible  minister  to  Russia,  80. 

Houck,  Louis,  History  of  Missouri, 
3n. 

House  of  representatives,  debate  on 
Missouri  bill,  4-44;  disputes  with 
senate  over  presidential  electoral 
votes,  35-38;  passes  bill  for  ad- 
mission of  Missouri,  42-43;  Adams 
forsees  presidential  election  by, 
55;  lack  of  influence  of  Monroe 
over,  63;  members  not  bound  by 
vote  of  presidential  electors,  103; 
elects  Adams  president,  137-139, 
139  n.;  Journal,  25,  25  n.,  30  n. 
See  also  Missouri. 

Hunt,  Gaillard,  Life  of  James  Madi- 
son, 125  n. 


Jackson,  Andrew,  offered  cabinet 
position,  53  n.;  presidential  pros- 
pects, 56-59;  praised  by  Adams, 
84-85,  85  n.;  conciliates  enemies, 
91,  91  n.;  political  strength  de- 
clining, 98;  receives  caucus  vote, 
99;  Pennsylvania  leaning  toward, 
101;  political  strength  increasing, 
102-103;  as  vice-presidential  pos- 
sibility, 109;  supported  by  Clin- 
ton, 110-111;  Clinton  agent  makes 
advances  to,  114-116;  Webster's 
attitude  toward,  119;  Adams  dis- 
cusses chances  of,  120-122;  atti- 
tude of  house  toward,  122,  136; 
attitude  of  Ohio  toward,  123; 
Virginians  prefer  Adams  to,  124, 
124  n.;  opposed  by  Jefferson  and 
Madison,  125,  125  n.;  opposed  by 
McLane,  126;  political  prospects 
of,  126-129;  hostility  of  Clay  to, 
129,  132-133,  133  n.;  Kentuckians 
instructed  to  vote  for,  132,  132  n.; 
rumor  of  overtures  to  Crawford, 
133-135;  defeated  in  house,  137- 
138;  friends  oppose  Adams,  142; 
mentioned,  52  n. 


150         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications, 


James,  Edwin,  Account  of  an  Expe- 
dition from  Pittsburgh  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  63  n. 


James     Sprunt     Historical 
graphs,  97  n.,  116  n. 


Mono- 


Jefferson,   Thomas,   16  n. 
125,  125  n. 


62  n.,    79, 


Jervey,  T.  D.,  Robert  Y.  Hayne  and 
His  Times,  69  n. 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  senator  from 
Kentucky,  favors  resolution  of 
Committee  of  Thirty,  42,  42  n.; 
takes  part  in  caucus,  49. 

Kentucky,  legislature  nominates 
Clay,  78,  78  n. ;  instructs  repre- 
sentatives to  vote  for  Jackson, 
132,  132  n.;  members  from,  deter- 
mined to  vote  for  Adams,  135-136. 

King,  Edward,  letter  from,  76  n. 

King,  Rufus,  senator  from  New 
York,  on  Missouri  bill,  4,  4n.;  de- 
nounces slavery,  9,  9  n. ;  fails  to 
attend  meeting  of  Committee  of 
Thirty,  42,  42  n.;  prospective  pres- 
idential candidate,  49;  named  for 
vice-presidency,  50,  50  n.;  presi- 
dential prospects  of,  55,  59; 
attitude  toward  Adams,  70,  70  n. ; 
letter  to,  76  n.;  offered  ministry 
to  London,  144  n. ;  The  Life  and 
Correspondence  of,  9  n.,  42  n., 
70  n.,  76  n.,  91  n.,  104  n.,  107  n. 

K  r  e  m  e  r,  George,  representative 
from  Pennsylvania,  attacks  Clay, 
136-137,  137  n. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  public  din- 
ner to,  127. 

Letcher,  Robert  P.,  representative 
from  Kentucky,  makes  overtures 
to  Adams,  124  n. 

Lewis,  William  B.,  letter,  87  n. 

Livermore,  Arthur,  representative 
from  New  Hampshire,  opposes 
counting  Missouri  electoral  votes, 
36,  36  n.;  opposed  to  caucus,  98, 
99  n.;  mentioned,  117. 


Louisiana,  compromise  on  slavery 
in,  13  n. ;  restriction  of  slavery  in, 
15  n.;  admission  of,  20  n.;  elec- 
toral vote  of,  123,  123  n.;  "Letters 
from  Louisiana,"  138  n. 

Lowndes,  William,  representative 
from  South  Carolina,  speaks  on 
Missouri  bill,  12,  12  n.;  bitter 
feeling  on  Missouri  question,  14; 
report  on  Missouri  constitution, 
18,  18  n.,  21-22;  resolution  on 
admission  of  Missouri  defeated, 
23;  favors  delay  on  Missouri  con- 
stitution, 24;  introduces  memori- 
als concerning  purchase  of  public 
lands  in  Missouri,  25  n.;  member 
of  Committee  of  Thirteen,  33  n., 
34;  tells  of  formation  of  cabinet 
in  1817,  51-52,  52  n.;  offers  of 
cabinet  positions  to,  52-53,  53  n.; 
absent  from  house,  65;  proposed 
for  presidency,  69;  attitude  of 
Calhoun  toward,  72;  mentioned, 
81. 

Lowrie,  Walter,  letter  to,  133  n. 


McArthur,  Duncan,  representative 
from  Ohio,  discusses  attitude  on 
presidential  election,  123,  123  n. 

McDuffie,  George,  representative 
from  South  Carolina,  mentioned, 
106  n. 

McLane,  Louis,  representative  from 
Delaware,  proposes  amendment 
concerning  Missouri,  31,  31  n.; 
candidate  for  speaker,  66;  dis- 
cusses attitude  toward  presiden- 
tial candidates,  125-126,  125  n.; 
opposition  to  Jackson,  136. 

McLean,  John,  postmaster-general, 
mentioned,  105  n.,  141  n. 

McMaster,  J.  B.,  History  of  the  Peo- 
ple of  the  United  States,  5  n., 
53  n. 

Macon,  Nathaniel,  moves  amend- 
ment to  Missouri  compromise  bill, 
43  n.;  attitude  toward  caucus 
nomination,  97  n.;  receives  caucus 
vote,  99;  as  vice-presidential  can- 
didate, 110,  120. 


Index. 


151 


Madison,  James,  113,  125,  125  n.; 
Letters  and  other  Writings,  53  n., 
141  n. 

Maine,  and  admission  of  Missouri, 
8,  11,  12,  13;  attitude  toward 
Adams,  69-70.    See  also  Missouri. 

Mallary,  Rollin  C,  moves  to  amend 
amendment  proposed  by  Commit- 
tee of  Thirteen,  34,  34  n. 

Mangum,  Willie  P.,  on  presidential 
campaign,  109  n. 

Marshall,  Humphrey,  senator  from 
Kentncky,  introduces  constitu- 
tional amendment,  20  n. 

Matson,  Aaron,  representative  from 
New  Hampshire,  opposed  to  cau- 
cus, 98,  99  n. 

Meigs,  Return,  Jr.,  mentioned,  141  n. 

Meigs,  William  M.,  Life  of  Calhoun, 
71  n.,  102  n. 

Mills,  Elijah  H.,  letter,  86  n. 

Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Re- 
view, 138  n. 

Missouri,  admission  into  Union  de- 
bated in  senate,  3-4.  3  n. ;  relation 
to  selection  of  presidential  elect- 
ors in  Virginia,  10,  10  n.;  prohibi- 
tion of  slavery  is  lost,  13-14,  13  n., 
14  n.;  letter  of  Senator  Stokes  of 
North  Carolina  concerning  slav- 
ery in,  15  n. ;  report  on  constitu- 
tion of,  18;  constitutional  provi- 
sion excluding  free  blacks,  19, 
19  n.;  status  of  presidential  elect- 
ors of,  19-20;  constitution  of, 
discussed,  20-21,  21-23;  vote  on 
admission  of,  23,  23  n.;  status  of, 
debated,  25,  25  n.;  memorials 
concerning  purchase  of  public 
lands  in,  25  n.;  Clay  moves  reso- 
lution for  admission  of,  29,  29  n.; 
gradual  abolition  of  slavery  in, 
suggested,  34-35;  dispute  over 
electoral  votes  of,  35-39;  resolu- 
tion of  Committee  of  Thirty  on, 

42,  42  n.;  house  of  representatives 
passes   bill   for  admission  of,   42- 

43,  42  n.;  senate  passes  bill  ad- 
mitting, 43-44,  43  n.;  influence  on 
speakership,  65-67;  and  nomina- 
tion of  Clay,  77,  79,  80;   Adams' 


stand  on,  criticized,  113;    Adams 
explains  stand  on,  117-119. 

Missouri  Historical  Society,  15  n. 

Mitchell,  George  E.,  representative 
from  Maryland,  vote  of,  138. 

Monroe,  James,  president  of  United 
States,  attitude  of  Virginia  re- 
specting re-election  of,  10,  10  n. ; 
attitude  on  Missouri  question,  15, 
16,  16  n.;  consults  cabinet  on 
Missouri  question,  17,  17  n. ; 
counting  electoral  vote  for,  36- 
38;  little  opposition  to,  48,  49; 
selection  of  cabinet,  51-53,  52  n., 
53  n.;  and  cabinet,  60,  60  n.;  New 
Hampshire  votes  for,  62;  unpopu- 
larity of,  62-63;  attitude  toward 
presidential  candidates,  87;  holds 
levee,  93;  mentioned,  140  n.; 
Writings,  16  n.,  52  n.,  53  n. 


-,  115  n. 


Moore,  — 

Moore,  Samuel,  representative  from 
Pennsylvania,  proposes  amend- 
ment concerning  Missouri,  31, 
31  n.;  member  of  Committee  of 
Thirteen,  33  n. 

Morison,  Samuel  E.,  Harrison  Gray 
Otis,  4n. 

Morril,  David  L.,  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  favors  resolution  of 
Committee  of  Thirty,  42,  42  n.; 
favors  bill  admitting  Missouri,  44, 
44  n. ;  candidate  for  governor  of 
New  Hampshire,  107-108,  107  n. 

Morrow,  Jeremiah,  proposed  for 
vice-presidency,  50,  50  n. 

National  Convention,  proposed  by 
Pennsylvania,  94,  94  n. 

National  Intelligencer,  18  n.,  98, 
98  n. 

Nelson,  Hugh,  representative  from 
Virginia,  appeals  from  decision  of 
speaker,  26. 

New  Hampshire,  election  of  gov- 
ernor in,  107-108,  107  n.;  votes  for 
Adams,  122. 


New  Hampshire  Patriot. 
Hill. 


See  Isaac 


152         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 


New  York,  political  situation  in, 
69;  political  importance  of,  89,  90, 
103;  attitude  toward  Adams,  104- 
105;  electoral  law  rejected,  106; 
political  uncertainty  in,  110;  fa- 
vorable to  Adams,  121;  members 
vote  for  Adams,  137-138,  138  n. 
See  also  Bucktails,  Clintonians, 
De  Witt  Clinton. 

Niles'  Register,  4  n.,  5  n.,  9  n.,  18  n., 
67  n.,  78  n.,  80  n.,  84  n.,  86  n.,  91  n., 
93  n.,  94  n.,  98  n.,  99  n.,  116  n., 
131  n.,  132  n.,  137  n. 

Ohio,  attempted  nomination  of  Clay, 
in,  78-79,  79  n.,  80;  political  im- 
portance of,  122;  members  from 
determine  to  vote  for  Adams, 
135-136. 

Osborn  v.  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  41,  42  n. 

Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  senator  from 
Massachusetts,  speaks  on  Missouri 
bill,  4,  4n.;  attacked  by  Isaac 
Hill,  114. 

Parker,  Severn  E.,  representative 
from  Virginia,  bitter  on  Missouri 
question,  25,  25  n.;  vote  on  Mis- 
souri compromise  bill,  43. 

Parrott,  John  P.,  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  conduct  on  Missouri 
bill  criticized,  12-13,  12  n.;  votes 
for  admission  of  Missouri,  44  n.; 
opposed  to  caucus,  98,  98  n. 

Parton,  James,  Life  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  86  n.,  91  n.,  98  n.,  102  n. 

Paullin,  Charles  O.,  "The  Electoral 
Vote  for  John  Quincy  Adams  in 
1820,"  54  n. 

Phillips,  Ulrich  B.,  15  n. ;  Georgia 
and  State  Rights,  56  n. 

Pinckney,  Charles,  representative 
from  South  Carolina,  threatens 
dissolution  of  Union,  11,  11  n. 

Pindall,  James,  representative  from 
Virginia,  speaks  on  Missouri  bill, 
9,  9n. 

Pinkney,  William,  senator  from 
Maryland,  as  an  orator,  3-4,  3n.; 
mentioned,  140,  140  n. 


Plumer,  William,  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  7n.;  opposes  congres- 
sional caucus,  50-51;  distrusts 
Clay,  51;  proposes  casting  elect- 
oral vote  for  Adams  (1820),  53- 
54,  53  n.;  electoral  vote  of,  54,  60- 
61,  62,  62  n. ;  suggested  for  vice- 
presidency,  91;  mentioned,  61  n.; 
Memorandum  of  Proceedings  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  1808- 
1807,  20  n.,  54  n. 

Plumer,  William,  Jr.,  representative 
from  New  Hampshire,  describes 
oratory  of  William  Pinkney,  3-4; 
urged  to  speak  on  Missouri  bill, 
5-6;  opposes  extension  of  slavery, 
6;  uncertainty  as  to  making 
speech,  8;  favors  lengthy  debates 
in  congress,  9-10;  belittles  south- 
ern threats,  12;  plans  speech  on 
Missouri  bill,  12,  12  n.;  expects 
compromise  on  Missouri  question, 
13;  votes  for  compromise,  14, 
14  n. ;  conversation  with  Adams 
on  Missouri  question,  16,  16  n.; 
conversation  with  Robert  G.  Har- 
per, 17;  on  Missouri  constitution, 
19-20;  on  status  of  Missouri,  20-21, 
21  n.;  conversation  with  Lowndes, 
24;  describes  William  Eustis,  27; 
favors  delay  on  admission  of  Mis- 
souri, 28;  opinion  of  admission  of 
Missouri,  32-33;  conversation  with 
Sergeant  concerning  Missouri,  33; 
favors  gradual  abolition  of  slav- 
ery in  Missouri,  34-35;  discusses 
presidential  electoral  count,  39; 
discusses  admission  of  Missouri 
into  Union,  39-40;  expresses  opin- 
ion of  Adams  and  Crawford,  47- 
48;  fails  to  attend  caucus,  49; 
conversations  with  Adams  on 
presidential  politics,  54-56,  73-75, 
80-82,  84-88,  96-98,  105-106,  120- 
122,  123-125,  127,  127  n.,  130-131, 
132-133,  142-144;  conversation 
with  John  Cocke,  61;  on  unpopu- 
larity of  Monroe,  62-63;  conversa- 
tion with  Calhoun  on  presidency, 
71-73,  92;  discusses  Adams'  book 
on  fisheries  and  Mississippi,  76- 
77,  77  n.;  calls  meeting  on  caucus, 
98-99;  reports  political  conversa- 
tions, 100-101;  letter  from  Adams, 
117-119;    conversation   with  Web- 


Index. 


153 


ster,  119-120;  conversation  with 
McLane,  125-126;  attends  inaugu- 
ration of  Adams,  144. 

Poore,  Ben.  Perley,  Reminiscences, 
14  n.,  139  n.,  144  n. 

President  of  the  United  States.  See 
James  Monroe. 

Presidential  politics.  See  John 
Quincy  Adams,  Henry  Clay,  John 
C.  Calhoun,  De  Witt  Clinton,  Wil- 
liam H.  Crawford,  Andrew  Jack- 
son. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  Life  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  78  n. 

Randolph,  John,  representative  from 
Virginia,  5,  5n.;  description  of, 
6-7,  6  n. ;  characterization  of  Ben- 
jamin Hardin,  7;  threatens  to  go 
home,  14  n.;  attacks  Taylor,  25; 
opposes  all  provisos  on  Missouri, 
31;  demands  counting  Missouri 
presidential  electoral  votes,  36,  37, 
38;  votes  against  Missouri  com- 
promise bill,  43;  criticizes  Mon- 
roe, 62. 

Ravenel,  Mrs.  St.  J.,  Life  and  Times 
of  William  Lowndes,  52  n.,  69  n. 

Reid,  Robert  R.,  representative 
from  Georgia,  motion  on  Missouri, 
defeated,  26,  26  n. 

Rich,  Charles,  representative  from 
Vermont,  inquires  concerning 
caucus,  95. 

Roberts,  Jonathan,  senator  from 
Pennsylvania,  favors  resolution  of 
Committee  of  Thirty,  42,  42  n. 

Rodney,  Caesar  A.,  representative 
from  Delaware,  candidate  for 
speaker,  64-67,  64  n.,  66  n. 

Roseboom,  Eugene  H.,  "Ohio  in  the 
Presidential  Election  of  1824," 
79  n. 

Ruffin,    Thomas,    letter   to,    quoted, 

10  n.;    mentioned,    97  n.;    Papers, 

11  n.,  97  n.,  109  n. 

Rush,  Richard,  electoral  vote  for, 
62;  selected  for  cabinet,  142-143, 
143  n. 


Russ,  John,  representative  from 
Connecticut,  conversation  with 
Langdon  Cheves,  18,  18  n. 

Russell,  Jonathan,  representative 
from  Massachusetts,  opposition  to 
Adams,  70,  70  n.;  controversy 
with  Adams,  78,  78  n.,  81. 

Sargent,  Nathan,  Public  Men  and 
Events,  87  n. 

Saunders,  Romulus  M.,  letters,  97  n., 
116  n. 

Scott,  John,  delegate  from  Missouri 
Territory,  presents  petition  for 
admission  of  Missouri  into  Union, 
3n.;  opposes  provision  concern- 
ing free  blacks,  19,  19  n. 

Scott,  Winfield,  brigadier-general, 
reconciled  with  Jackson,  91,  91  n., 
134. 

Seawell,  Henry,  mentioned,  97  n. 

Secretary  of  state,  selection  of  in 
1817,  51-52,  52  n.;  Adams  dis- 
cusses appointment  as,  81-82;  pos- 
sible appointees,  101.  See  also 
John  Quincy  Adams,  Henry  Clay. 

Secretary  of  the  treasury.  See 
William  H.  Crawford. 

Secretary  of  war.  See  John  C.  Cal- 
houn. 

Senate,  debate  on  Missouri  bill,  3-4; 
speech  of  King  in,  9,  9  n. ;  com- 
promise on  Missouri  bill,  11;  vote 
on  compromise  measure,  14,  14  n.; 
Southerners  attempt  adjournment 
of,  24,  24  n.;  disputes  with  house 
over  presidential  electoral  votes, 
35-38;  passes  bill  admitting  Mis- 
souri, 43-44,  43  n.;  called  "House 
of  Incurables,"  51. 

Sergeant,  John,  representative  from 
Pennsylvania,  5,  5n.;  speech  on 
Missouri  bill  praised,  9;  on  consti- 
tution of  Missouri,  22;  favors  de- 
lay in  admitting  Missouri,  30, 
30  n. ;  talks  with  Plumer  on  ad- 
mission of  Missouri,  33;  member 
of  Committee  of  Thirteen,  33  n. 

Sheafe,  James,  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  7n. 


154         Missouri  Historical  Society  Publications. 


Shelby,  Isaac,  refuses  cabinet  posi- 
tion, 53  n. 

Shoemaker,  Floyd  C,  Missouri's 
Struggle  for  Statehood,  1804-1821, 
3n. 

Simpson,  Stephen,  mentioned,  87  n. 

Slavery,  in  territories,  6,  8,  14;  de- 
nounced by  Rufus  King,  9,  9n.; 
gradual  abolition  in  Missouri, 
advocated,  34-35;  political  issue, 
55,  58-59;  Adams  on  extension  of, 
117-119.     See  also  Missouri. 

Smith,  Margaret  B.,  Forty  Years  of 
Washington  Society,  138  n. 

Smith,  Samuel,  representative  from 
Maryland,  member  of  Committee 
of  Thirteen,  33  n.,  34;  candidate 
for  speaker,  66. 

Smyth,  Alexander,  brigadier-gener- 
al, representative  from  Virginia, 
description  of,  5,  5n.;  speaks  on 
Missouri  bill,  6;  controversy  with 
Adams,  78,  78  n.,  81,  83. 

Southard,  Samuel  L.,  senator  from 
New  Jersey,  favors  resolution  of 
Committee  of  Thirty,  42,  42  n.; 
accepts  cabinet  position,  139-140. 

Speaker  of  house  of  representa- 
tives, John  W.  Taylor  elected, 
5n.;  Henry  Clay,  5  n.,  17;  Taylor 
praised  by  Plumer,  25-26;  Taylor 
casts  vote,  25  n.;  Taylor  wishes  to 
conciliate  South,  33;  position  in 
counting  electoral  votes,  36;  elec- 
tion of  Philip  P.  Barbour,  64-67; 
election  of  Clay,  83-84.  See  also, 
John  W.  Taylor,  Philip  P.  Bar- 
bour,  Henry  Clay. 

Stokes,  Montford,  senator  from 
North  Carolina,  letter  on  Missouri 
question,  15  n. 

Storrs,  Henry  R.,  representative 
from  New  York,  on  Missouri  con- 
stitution, 22,  22  n. ;  proposes 
amendment  concerning  Missouri, 
31,  31  n. 

Swartout,  Samuel,  letter  to  Jack- 
son, 133  n. ;  letter  of  Jackson  to, 
135  n. 


Tammany  Society,  Jackson  visits, 
59,  59  n. 

Tariff,  views  of  Adams  on,  105-106. 
See  also  John  Quincy  Adams. 

Taylor,  John  W.,  representative 
from  New  York  and  speaker,  fa- 
vors restriction  of  slavery  in  Mis- 
souri, 5,  5n.;  praised  by  Plumer, 
25-26,  25  n.;  desires  to  conciliate 
South,  33;  candidate  for  speaker, 
64-67;  reasons  for  defeat  of,  69; 
candidate  for  speaker,  83-84. 

Tennessee,  opposes  caucus,  91. 

Territories,  slavery  in,  6,  8,  14.  See 
also  Slavery,  Missouri. 

Thompson,  Smith,  secretary  of  the 
navy,  favors  compromise  on  Mis- 
souri bill,  16,  16  n. 

Tomlinson,  Gideon,  representative 
from  Connecticut,  member  of 
Committee  of  Thirteen,  33  n.; 
mentioned  for  speaker,  65,  65  n. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  vice-president, 
and  governorship  of  New  York,  17, 
17  n.,  49  n.;  counting  vice-presi- 
dential votes  for,  35-38;  Adams 
declines  to  oppose  for  vice-presi- 
dency, 54-55;  electoral  votes  for, 
62;  mentioned,  50,  53,  55,  59,  92. 

Trexler,  H.  A.,  "Slavery  in  Mis- 
souri, 1804-1865,"  3n. 

Trimble,  David,  representative  from 
Kentucky,  left  off  financial  com- 
mittee, 25,  25  n. 

Turner,  Frederick  Jackson,  Rise  of 
the  New  West,  60  n. 

Union,  dissolution  threatened,  11, 
14,  14  n.,  24,  41. 

United  States,  Statutes  at  Large, 
20  n.,   57  n.,   68  n.,   109  n. 

Upton,  Emory,  Military  Policy  of 
the  United  States,  63  n. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  political  leader- 
ship of,  74;  Autobiography,  70  n„ 
107  n.,  llln.,  138  n. 


Index. 


155 


Van  Rensselaer,  Stephen,  represent- 
ative from  New  York,  votes  for 
Adams,  138  n. 

Vice-president,  plan  to  nominate 
Clay  for,  17-18,  48;  counting  elec- 
toral votes  for,  35-39;  position  in 
counting  electoral  votes,  36;  spec- 
ulation on  candidates  for,  50-51; 
plan  to  vote  for  Adams  for,  53- 
54,  53  n.;  Adams  declines  vote  for, 
54;  uncertainty  concerning  can- 
didates for,  91-92;  question  of 
Adams'  choice  for,  109-110;  Adams 
discusses  candidates,  120-122.  See 
also  Daniel  D.  Tompkins. 

Warfield,  Henry  R.,  representative 
from  Maryland,  introduces  motion 
on  Missouri  resolution,  25  n.;  po- 
sition on  presidential  election, 
126-127,  126  n.;  votes  for  Adams, 
138  n. 

Warren,  Charles,  The  Supreme 
Court  in  United  States  History, 
42  n. 

Webster,  Daniel,  attacked  by  Isaac 
Hill,  113-114;  conversation  with 
Plumer,  119-120;  visits  Jefferson 
and  Madison,  125;  Letters,  53  n., 
119  n.,  120  n. ;  Private  Correspond- 
ence, 86  n.,  104  n.,  125  n.,  138  n. 


Webster,  Ezekiel,  mentioned,  119  n. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  Life  of,  104  n. 

Whipple,  Thomas,  Jr.,  representa- 
tive from  New  Hampshire,  atti- 
tude toward  caucus,  90,  90  n.,  99. 

Williams,  Lewis,  representative 
from  North  Carolina,  quoted  on 
Missouri  question,  10  n. 

Winder,  William  Henry,  mentioned, 
140,  140  n. 

Wirt,  William,  attorney-general, 
views  on  Missouri  question,  17, 
17  n. ;  offered  cabinet  position, 
140. 

Wolcott,  Oliver,  mentioned  for  vice- 
presidency,  50,  50  n. 

Woodburn,  James  A.,  "The  Histor- 
ical Significance  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,"  3  n. 


Yancey,  Bartlett,  mentioned,  97  n., 
116  n. 

Yates,  Joseph  C,  governor  of  New 
York,  mentioned  for  vice-presi- 
dent, 92,  92  n. 

Yellowstone  Expedition,  refusal  to 
proceed  with,  63,  63  n. 


